Yeltsin was elected president. President Yeltsin: years of rule and results

First President Russian Federation

Soviet party and Russian political and statesman, 1st President of Russia. Elected President 2 times - June 12, 1991 and July 3, 1996, held this position from July 10, 1991 to December 31, 1999.

Boris Nikolaevich Yeltsin was born on February 1, 1931 in the Sverdlovsk region, the village of Butka, Talitsky district.

Yeltsin - biography

Father, Nikolai Ignatievich, worked as a carpenter. During the years of repression, he was imprisoned allegedly for anti-Soviet statements. Boris's mother, Klavdia Vasilievna - nee Starygina.

Boris was the eldest of her two children.

Boris Yeltsin studied well at school, according to him, but after the 7th grade was expelled from school for bad behavior, however, he achieved (by reaching the city party committee) that he was allowed to enter the 8th grade at another school.

In the army B.N. Yeltsin did not serve due to health reasons: as a child he was injured and lost 2 fingers on his hand.

In 1955, B. Yeltsin graduated from the Ural Polytechnic Institute. CM. Kirova - Faculty of Civil Engineering, majoring in civil engineering. At first he worked as an ordinary foreman, gradually advancing in his career to the position of head of the DSK.

In 1956, Boris Yeltsin started a family, choosing his classmate Naina Iosifovna Girina (baptized Anastasia) as his wife. She is a civil engineer by training, from 1955 to 1985. worked at the Sverdlovsk Institute “Vodokanalproekt” as an engineer, senior engineer, and chief project engineer.

A year later, in 1958, a daughter, Elena, was born into the Yeltsin family. In 1960 - 2nd daughter Tatyana.

The year 1961 is significant for Boris Nikolaevich in that he joined the ranks of the CPSU.

Boris Yeltsin - career in the party

In 1968, his party work began: Yeltsin took the position of head of the construction department in the Sverdlovsk Regional Committee of the CPSU.

1975 - further advancement up the party ladder: B.N. Yeltsin was elected secretary of the regional committee of the CPSU of Sverdlovsk, he became responsible for the development of industry in the region.

In 1981, at the XXVI Congress of the CPSU, Boris Nikolaevich Yeltsin was elected a member of the CPSU Central Committee, he headed the construction department, in this position B.N. Yeltsin worked until 1990.

In 1976 – 1985 He returned to the Sverdlovsk Regional Committee of the CPSU to the post of 1st Secretary.

In 1978 – 1989 B.N. Yeltsin was elected deputy of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR.

In 1981, Boris Nikolaevich gave his first and last name to his grandson, since Boris Yeltsin had no sons, which threatened to interrupt the family line.

In 1984, Yeltsin became a member of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR - until 1988.

He went to work in Moscow in June 1985 as Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee for construction issues.

From December 1985 to November 1987 he worked as 1st Secretary of the Moscow City Committee of the CPSU.

In October 1987, at the plenum of the Central Committee B Yeltsin comes out with harsh criticism of M. Gorbachev and the party leadership. The Plenum condemned Yeltsin's speech, and soon after that Boris Nikolayevich was transferred to the position of deputy head of Gosstroy, lower in rank than the 1st Secretary of the Moscow City Committee of the CPSU.

In March 1989, B.N. Yeltsin was elected people's deputy of the USSR.

In 1990, Boris Yeltsin became a people's deputy of the RSFSR, and in July of the same year he was elected chairman of the Supreme Council of the RSFSR, and he left the CPSU.

Yeltsin President of the Russian Federation

On June 12, 1991, B.N. Yeltsin was elected President of the Russian Federation. After his election, B. Yeltsin’s main slogans were the fight against the privileges of the nomenklatura and the independence of Russia from the USSR.

On July 10, 1991, Boris Yeltsin took the oath of allegiance to the people of Russia and Russian Constitution, and took office as President of the RSFSR.

In August 1991, the confrontation between Yeltsin and the putschists began, which led to a proposal to ban the activities of the Communist Party, and on August 19, Boris Yeltsin made a famous speech from a tank, in which he read out a decree on the illegitimate activities of the State Emergency Committee. The putsch is defeated, the activities of the CPSU are completely prohibited.

On November 12, 1991, the Medal of Democracy, established by the International Association of Political Consultants, was awarded to B.N. Yeltsin for democratic transformations in Russia.

In December 1991, the USSR officially ceased to exist: in Belovezhskaya Pushcha, Boris Yeltsin, Leonid Kravchuk (President of Ukraine) and Stanislav Shushkevich (President of Belarus) create and sign a Commonwealth Treaty Independent States(CIS). Soon the majority of the union republics joined the Commonwealth, signing the Alma-Ata Declaration on December 21.

Russian President Boris Nikolaevich Yeltsin.

December 25, 1991 B.N. Yeltsin received full presidential power in Russia in connection with the resignation of USSR President Mikhail Gorbachev and the actual collapse of the USSR.

1992 – 1993 - a new stage in the construction of the Russian state - privatization has begun, economic reform is being carried out, supported by President B.N. Yeltsin.

In September-October 1993, a confrontation between Boris Yeltsin and the Supreme Council began, which led to the dissolution of parliament. There were riots in Moscow, the peak of which occurred on October 3-4, supporters of the Supreme Council seized the television center, the situation was brought under control only with the help of tanks.

In 1994, the 1st Chechen War which led to a huge number victims both among civilians and among the military, as well as among law enforcement officers.

In May 1996, Boris Yeltsin was forced to sign an order in Khasavyurt to withdraw troops from Chechnya, which theoretically meant the end of the first Chechen war.

Yeltsin - years of rule

In the same year, the first term of B.N.’s presidency ended. Yeltsin, and he began the election campaign for a second term. More than 1 million signatures were submitted in support of Yeltsin. The campaign slogan is “Vote or lose.” As a result of the 1st round of elections, B.N. Yeltsin gets 35.28% of the votes. Yeltsin's main competitor in the elections is the communist G.A. Zyuganov. But after the second round with a result of 53.82% of the votes, Boris Nikolaevich Yeltsin was elected President of the Russian Federation for a second term.

On November 5, 1996, B. Yeltsin went to the clinic, where he underwent heart surgery - coronary artery bypass grafting.

In 1998 and 1999 in Russia, as a result of unsuccessful economic policy, a default occurs, then a government crisis. At Yeltsin's instigation, Prime Minister Viktor Chernomyrdin, Sergei Kiriyenko, Yevgeny Primakov, and Sergei Stepashin resigned, after which in August 1999, Secretary of the Security Council Vladimir Putin was appointed acting chairman of the government of the Russian Federation.

On December 31, 1999, in a New Year's address to the people of Russia, Boris Yeltsin announced his early resignation. Prime Minister V.V. has been entrusted with the temporary duties of head of state. Putin, who provides Yeltsin and his family with guarantees of complete security.


After his resignation, Boris Nikolaevich and his family settled in a resort village near Moscow - Barvikha.

On April 23, 2007, Boris Nikolaevich Yeltsin died in the Central Clinical Hospital of Moscow from cardiac arrest and was buried at the Novodevichy Cemetery.
He was married once, had 2 daughters, 5 grandchildren and 3 great-grandchildren. Wife - Naina Iosifovna Yeltsina (Girina) (baptized Anastasia). Daughters - Elena Okulova (married to the acting general director joint stock company“Aeroflot - Russian International Airlines”) and Tatyana Dyachenko (has military rank- Colonel, in 1997 she was an adviser to the president).

Results of Yeltsin's reign

B.N. Yeltsin is historically noted as the first popularly elected President of Russia, transformer political structure country, a radical reformer of Russia's economic course. Known for the unique decision to ban the CPSU, the course of refusal to build socialism, the decisions to dissolve the Supreme Council, he is famous for the storming of the Government House in Moscow in 1993 with the use of armored vehicles and the military campaign in Chechnya.

Political scientists and the media characterized Yeltsin as an extraordinary person, unpredictable in behavior, eccentric, power-hungry; his tenacity and cunning were also noted. Opponents of Boris Nikolayevich argued that he was characterized by cruelty, cowardice, rancor, deceit, and a low intellectual and cultural level.

In assessments of critics of the Yeltsin regime, his period of rule is often referred to as Yeltsinism. Boris Yeltsin, as president, was criticized in connection with the general negative trends in the country's development in the 1990s: a recession in the economy, the state's refusal of social obligations, a sharp decline in living standards, worsening social problems and a decrease in population in connection with this. In the second half of the 90s, he was often accused of transferring the main levers of economic management into the hands of a group of influential entrepreneurs - oligarchs and the corrupt top of the state apparatus, and his entire economic policy boiled down to lobbying the interests of one or another group of people depending on their influence.

By the end of 1992, the division of the country's inhabitants into rich and poor sharply increased. Almost half of Russia's population found itself below the poverty line.
By 1996, industrial production had decreased by 50%, and Agriculture- by a third. The loss of gross domestic product amounted to approximately 40%.
By 1999, unemployment in Russia had grown greatly and affected 9 million people.

The presidents of Ukraine, Belarus and Russia signed the Belovezhskaya Agreement on December 8, 1991. This was done in spite of the referendum on the preservation of the USSR, which took place the day before - March 17, 1991. This agreement, according to Yeltsin’s opponents, destroyed the USSR and caused bloody conflicts in Chechnya, South Ossetia, Abkhazia, Transnistria, Nagorno-Karabakh and Tajikistan.

The deployment of troops into Chechnya began on December 11, 1994, after Yeltsin’s decree “On measures to suppress the activities of illegal armed groups on the territory of the Chechen Republic and in the zone of the Ossetian-Ingush conflict.” As a result of the ill-considered actions of the Russian political elite, great sacrifices both military and civilian: tens of thousands of people died and hundreds of thousands were injured. Subsequent actions of Chechen militants, aimed at even wider expansion in the North Caucasus, forced Yeltsin to resume fighting in Chechnya in September 1999, which resulted in a full-scale war.

The protests of citizens on the streets that followed the storming of the Moscow City Hall and the Ostankino television center by Rutsky's supporters on October 3 were brutally suppressed. Troops were brought into Moscow in the early morning of October 4, and 123 people died on both sides (more than 1.5 thousand people - according to the opposition). These events became a black spot in the modern history of Russia.

To introduce the principles of a market economy, economic reforms began in January 1992 with price liberalization. In the country, in just a few days, prices for food and essential goods increased many times over, a huge number of enterprises went bankrupt, and citizens’ deposits in state banks became worthless. A confrontation began between the president and the Congress of People's Deputies, which sought to amend the constitution to limit the rights of the president.

In August 1998, default broke out, a financial crisis caused by the government's inability to meet its debt obligations. The three-fold fall in the ruble exchange rate led to the collapse of numerous small and medium-sized enterprises and the destruction of the emerging middle class. The banking sector was almost completely destroyed. However, the following year the economic situation was stabilized. This was facilitated by an increase in oil prices on world markets, which made it possible to gradually begin payments on external debt. One of the consequences of the crisis was the revival of the activities of domestic industrial enterprises, replacing on the domestic market products previously purchased abroad.

A sharp deterioration in the demographic situation in Russia began in 1992. One of the reasons for the population decline was the government's reduction in social support for the population. The incidence of AIDS has increased 60 times, and infant mortality has doubled.

But still, despite such negative assessments of the rule of this leader, Yeltsin’s memory is immortalized.

On April 23, 2008, a solemn opening ceremony of the monument to Boris Nikolayevich Yeltsin took place at the Novodevichy cemetery in Moscow, and at the same time the Ural State Technical University was named after Boris Yeltsin.

B.N. Yeltsin wrote 3 books:
1990 - “Confession on a given topic”
1994 - “Notes of the President”
2000 - “Presidential Marathon”, became a laureate of the International Literary Award “Capri-90”.

At one time, it was fashionable among Russian officials to engage in one of Yeltsin’s favorite pastimes—playing tennis.

Yeltsin was an Honorary Citizen. Kazan, Yerevan (Armenia), Samara region, Turkmenistan, awarded in 1981 the Order of Lenin, the Order of the Badge of Honor, and two Orders of the Red Banner of Labor.

On November 12, 1991, B.N. Yeltsin was awarded the Medal of Democracy, established in 1982, by the International Association of Political Consultants, and had the highest state award in Italy - the Order of the Cavalier Grand Cross, was a Knight of the Order of Malta.

Boris Yeltsin is a man whose name will always be inextricably linked with modern history Russia. Some will remember him as the first president, others will invariably see him primarily as a talented reformer and democrat, while others will remember voucher privatization, the military campaign in Chechnya, the default and call him a “traitor.”

Like any outstanding politician, Boris Nikolaevich will always have supporters and opponents, but today, within the framework of this biography, we will try to refrain from assessments and judgments and will appeal exclusively to reliable facts. What kind of person was the first president of the Russian Federation? What was his life like before starting his political career? Our article today will help you find out the answers to these and many other questions.

Childhood and family

The official biography of Boris Yeltsin says that he was born in a maternity hospital in the village of Butka (Sverdlovsk region, Talitsky district). Boris Nikolaevich’s family itself lived nearby - in the village of Basmanovo. That is why in different sources one can find both one and the other toponym as the birthplace of the future president.

As for Boris Yeltsin’s parents, they were both simple rural residents. Father, Nikolai Ignatievich, worked in construction, but in the 30s he was repressed as a kulak element and served his sentence on the Volga-Don. After the amnesty, he returned to his native village, where he started everything from scratch as a simple builder, then rose to become the head of a construction plant. Mom, Klavdia Vasilievna (nee Starygina), worked as a dressmaker most of her life.

When Boris was not yet ten years old, the family moved to the city of Berezniki, not far from Perm. At the new school, he became the head of the class, but it was difficult to call him a particularly exemplary student. As Yeltsin’s teachers noted, he was always a fighter and restless. Perhaps it was these qualities that led Boris Nikolaevich to the first serious problem in his life. During boyhood games, the guy picked up an unexploded German grenade in the grass and tried to disassemble it. The consequence of the game was the loss of two fingers on his left hand.

This fact is also related to the fact that Yeltsin did not serve in the army. After school, he immediately entered the Ural Polytechnic Institute, where he mastered the specialty of civil engineer.

The absence of several fingers did not prevent Boris Nikolaevich from receiving the title of Master of Sports in volleyball as a student.

Political career

After graduating from university in 1955, Boris Yeltsin went to work at the Sverdlovsk Construction Trust. Here he joined the CPSU, which allowed him to quickly advance in his career.

As chief engineer and then director of the Sverdlovsk house-building plant. Yeltsin attended district party congresses. In 1963, during one of the meetings, Yeltsin was enrolled as a member of the Kirov district committee of the CPSU, and later - in the Sverdlovsk regional committee of the CPSU. In his party position, Boris Nikolaevich was primarily involved in overseeing issues housing construction, however, very soon Yeltsin’s political career began to rapidly gain momentum.

In 1975, our today's hero was elected secretary of the Sverdlovsk regional committee of the CPSU, and a year later - first secretary, that is, in fact, the main person of the Sverdlovsk region. His predecessor and patron described young Yeltsin as a power-hungry and ambitious person, but added that he “would hurt himself, but he would complete any task.” Yeltsin held this post for nine years.

During his leadership in the Sverdlovsk region, many issues related to food supply were successfully resolved. Coupons for milk and some other goods were abolished, and new poultry farms and farms were opened. It was Yeltsin who launched the construction of the Sverdlovsk metro, as well as several cultural and sports complexes. His work in the party brought him the rank of colonel.

Yeltsin's speech at the XXVII Congress of the CPSU (1986)

After successful work in the Sverdlovsk region, Yeltsin was recommended to the Moscow City Committee of the CPSU for the post of first secretary. Having received the position, he began a personnel purge and initiated large-scale checks, to the point that he himself went to public transport and inspected food warehouses.

On October 21, 1987, he sharply criticized the communist system at the Plenum of the CPSU Central Committee: he criticized the slow pace of perestroika, announced the formation of a personality cult of Mikhail Gorbachev, and asked not to include him in the Politburo. Under a barrage of counter-criticism, he apologized, and on November 3, he filed a statement addressed to Gorbachev, asking him to remain in office.

A week later he was hospitalized with a heart attack, but party colleagues believed he had attempted suicide. Two days later, he was already present at the meeting of the Plenum, where he was removed from the post of first secretary of the MGK.

Yeltsin asks for political rehabilitation

In 1988 he was appointed deputy head of the Committee for Construction Affairs.

On March 26, 1989, Yeltsin became a people's deputy for Moscow, receiving 91% of the votes. At the same time, his competitor was government protege Yevgeny Brakov, head of ZIL. In May 1990, the politician headed the Supreme Council of the RSFSR. “Political weight” was added to Yeltsin by the resonant signing of the Declaration of State Sovereignty of the RSFSR, which legally established the priority Russian laws over the Soviet ones. On the day of its adoption, June 12, today we celebrate Russia Day.

At the XXVIII Congress of the CPSU in 1990, Yeltsin announced his resignation from the party. This congress was the last.

Yeltsin leaves the CPSU (1990)

On June 12, 1991, the non-party Yeltsin, with 57% of the vote and with the support of the Democratic Russia party, was elected president of the RSFSR. His competitors were Nikolai Ryzhkov (CPSU) and Vladimir Zhirinovsky (LDPSS).

On December 8, 1991, after the isolation of USSR President Mikhail Gorbachev and his actual removal from power, Boris Yeltsin, as the leader of the RSFSR, signed an agreement on the collapse of the USSR in Belovezhskaya Pushcha, which was also signed by the leaders of Belarus and Ukraine. From that moment on, Boris Yeltsin became the leader of independent Russia.

Presidency

The collapse of the USSR provoked many problems, which it was Boris Yeltsin who had to fight. The first years of Russian independence were marked by multiple problematic phenomena in the economy, a sharp impoverishment of the population, as well as the beginning of several bloody military conflicts in the Russian Federation and abroad. So, for a long time Tatarstan announced its desire to secede from the Russian Federation, then the government of the Chechen Republic announced a similar desire.

Interview with President Boris Yeltsin (1991)

In the first case, all pressing issues were resolved peacefully, but in the second case, the reluctance of the former union autonomous republic to remain part of the Russian Federation marked the beginning of military operations in the Caucasus.

Due to multiple problems, Yeltsin's rating rapidly fell (to 3%), but in 1996 he still managed to remain in the presidency for a second term. His competition then included Grigory Yavlinsky, Vladimir Zhirinovsky and Gennady Zyuganov. In the second round, Yeltsin “met” with Zyuganov and won with 53% of the votes.

Many crisis phenomena in the political and economic system of the country persisted in the future. Yeltsin was sick a lot and rarely appeared in public. He gave key positions in the government to those who supported his election campaign

Boris Nikolaevich Yeltsin born on February 1, 1931 in the village of Butka (accent on the last syllable) in the Talitsky district of the Sverdlovsk region. Father - Nikolai Ignatievich, builder, mother - Klavdiya Vasilievna, dressmaker. During the period of collectivization, B. N. Yeltsin’s grandfather was exiled, his father and uncle were also subjected to illegal repression (both went through a forced labor camp). In 1935, the family moved to the Perm region for the construction of the Bereznikovsky potash plant.

Having successfully graduated from high school. A. S. Pushkin in Berezniki, B. N. Eltsin continued his education at the Faculty of Construction of the Ural Polytechnic Institute. S. M. Kirov (now Ural State Technical University - USTU-UPI) in Sverdlovsk with a degree in industrial and civil engineering. At UPI, B. N. Yeltsin distinguished himself not only academically, but also in the sports field: he competed at the national volleyball championship for a team of masters, and coached the institute’s women’s volleyball team.

While studying, he met his future wife Naina (Anastasia) Iosifovna Girina. In 1955, having simultaneously defended their diplomas (the theme of B.N. Yeltsin’s diploma was “Television Tower”), the young people went for a while to their destinations for young specialists, but agreed to meet in a year. This meeting took place in Kuibyshev at zonal volleyball competitions: Boris Nikolaevich took the bride to Sverdlovsk, where the wedding took place.

Professional biography of B.N. Yeltsin began in 1955 in the Uraltyazhtrubstroy trust. However, before taking up the position of a foreman, he preferred to master blue-collar professions: he alternately worked as a bricklayer, concrete worker, carpenter, carpenter, glazier, painter, plasterer, and crane operator. From 1957 to 1963 - foreman, senior foreman, Chief Engineer, boss construction department trust "Yuzhgorstroy", chief engineer of the best DSK in the field and then its director. Professional achievements and organizational talent attracted B.N. Yeltsin received the attention of party organs. In the second half of the 60s, his life in politics began. Almost twenty years of intense leadership work bind B.N. Yeltsin and Sverdlovsk, and for half of this period he stood at the head of the regional party organization. Since 1968 - head of the construction department of the Sverdlovsk regional committee of the CPSU. Since 1975 - Secretary of the Sverdlovsk Regional Committee of the CPSU. Since 1976 - first secretary of the Sverdlovsk regional committee of the CPSU. In 1981 he was elected a member of the CPSU Central Committee. The “Ural period” of the biography of the First President of Russia is marked by the revival of economic and public life the edges. The region has become a leader in many indicators, primarily in the pace and scale of industrial and civil construction, reconstruction of the Ural industry, and creation of modern infrastructure. It was on the initiative of B.N. Yeltsin that a metro was laid in Sverdlovsk, one of the few cities besides Moscow. Constant attention to the problems of the village and their deep understanding by the head of the region made it possible to maintain the agricultural sector at a stable level, despite the risky nature of farming in the Middle Urals. Being, according to the then generally accepted term, the “master of the region,” B. N. Yeltsin gave preference human factor in working with personnel, with the regional public, with residents of the city and region: any task must have a human dimension. At the same time, he knew how to be tough, demanding, and principled. It was a special, “Yeltsin” style, coming from internal composure and concentration on the main thing, from a solid professional foundation, from knowledge of life. The open position organically inherent in the future president of Russia in communicating and managing large masses of people won the trust and respect of the Urals people. But even outside the region, the name of B.N. Yeltsin became known. In particular, the broadcast of Sverdlovsk television on December 18, 1982, “Member of the CPSU Central Committee, deputy of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, first secretary of the Sverdlovsk regional party committee B. N. Yeltsin answers workers’ questions and comments on mail.”

It is natural that his professional knowledge, public authority and political potential were in demand during perestroika. In 1985, B. N. Yeltsin was invited to work in Moscow, in the central apparatus of the party, and after serious consideration he agreed to move to the capital. Since April 1985 - head of the Construction Department of the CPSU Central Committee, since July of the same year - secretary of the CPSU Central Committee for construction issues.

In December 1985, already being Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee, B. N. Yeltsin headed the Moscow City Party Committee and short term has gained enormous popularity in various sectors of society. Dictated by the times itself, B. N. Yeltsin’s meaningful departure from the traditional apparatus command-administrative style of behavior and management was greeted very warily by the highest party elite. The sincerity with which the Ural leader became involved in perestroika quite logically brought him to the line of sharp criticism, which he did not hesitate to address both to the apparatus of the Central Committee and personally to the General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee M. S. Gorbachev.

In January 1987, not the first, but truly acute public conflict between B. N. Yeltsin and M. S. Gorbachev arose at a meeting of the Politburo of the CPSU Central Committee, which discussed the responsibility of senior party cadres. The independence of judgment and actions of one of the youngest figures of the Soviet leadership did not meet with understanding and support among Secretary General. The secretary general's entourage fueled his suspicions regarding B. N. Yeltsin, interpreting the differences between them on the substance of the policy of perestroika and the future of the country as an attempt to attack the powers of M. S. Gorbachev.

In September 1987, B. N. Yeltsin sent a letter to M. S. Gorbachev, in which he thoroughly argued his critical view of the activities of the party leadership in managing the perestroika process and made proposals for adjusting the course of reforms. However, this appeal remained unanswered. At the October plenum of the CPSU Central Committee, B. N. Yeltsin took the floor and briefly formulated threats to perestroika, among which the emerging “cult of personality of Gorbachev” was named. Concluding his speech, the speaker announced his desire to leave the Politburo. And again, a responsible, frank discussion of the problems posed, which B. N. Yeltsin was counting on, did not work out. With the full approval of the Secretary General, the plenum responded to B. N. Yeltsin’s speech with a classic personnel maneuver: recognizing this speech as “politically erroneous,” it immediately recommended that the next plenum of the Moscow City Committee of the CPSU consider the question of the advisability of B. N. Yeltsin remaining in the post of First Secretary of the Moscow City Committee. Probably, the Secretary General saw in his political opponent’s intention to leave the Politburo the possibility of B. N. Yeltsin moving into open opposition at the head of the Moscow organization of the CPSU. Already in November, the plenum of the Moscow City Committee obediently adopted the “decision on Yeltsin” that M. S. Gorbachev needed. And only in February 1988 he was removed from the list of candidates for membership in the Politburo of the CPSU Central Committee and appointed first deputy chairman of the USSR State Construction Committee.

Despite M. S. Gorbachev’s warning that he would no longer “allow B. N. Yeltsin” to join politics, and the opposition of the party administrative apparatus, B. N. Yeltsin took part in the elections of people’s deputies of the USSR in March 1989, gaining 90 percent of the votes in Moscow. At the First Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR (May - June 1989), he became co-chairman of the opposition Interregional Deputy Group (MDG).

In May 1990, at a meeting of the First Congress of People's Deputies of the RSFSR, he was elected Chairman of the Supreme Council of the RSFSR. On June 12, 1990, he put the Declaration of State Sovereignty of Russia to a roll-call vote of the congress. It was adopted by an overwhelming majority of votes (“for” - 907, “against” - 13, abstentions - 9). In July 1990, at the XXVIII (last) Congress of the CPSU, he left the party.

On June 12, 1991, he was elected president of the RSFSR, gaining 57% of the votes (the closest rivals received: N. I. Ryzhkov - 17%, V. V. Zhirinovsky - 8%). In July 1991, he signed a decree to cease activities organizational structures political parties and mass social movements in government bodies, institutions and organizations of the RSFSR.

In connection with the attempted coup in the USSR in August 1991, he issued an “Address to the Citizens of Russia,” where he stated, in particular, the following: “We believe that such forceful methods are unacceptable. They discredit the USSR before the whole world, undermine our prestige in the world community, and return us to the era cold war and isolation of the Soviet Union. All this forces us to declare the so-called committee (GKChP) that came to power illegal. Accordingly, we declare all decisions and orders of this committee illegal.” The internal political crisis found USSR President M.S. Gorbachev on vacation in Foros (Crimea), where he thus avoided participating in the August events. The decisive and precise actions of the Russian leadership destroyed the plans of the putschists. Relying on the support of the people and the army, B. N. Yeltsin managed to protect the country from the consequences of a large-scale provocation that brought Russia to the brink of civil war. Members of the State Emergency Committee were arrested, and M. S. Gorbachev was released from “Foros captivity” and taken to Moscow.

On August 23, 1991, at a session of the Supreme Council of the RSFSR, B. N. Yeltsin signed a decree dissolving the Communist Party of the RSFSR, and on November 6 of the same year he issued a decree on the termination of the activities of the CPSU and Communist Party of the RSFSR structures in Russia and the nationalization of their property.

On November 15, 1991, he headed the government of Russia, which remained in history as the first government of reforms. After the formation of the new cabinet, he signed a package of ten presidential decrees and government orders that outlined concrete steps towards a market economy. At the end of November 1991, Russia assumed obligations for the debts of the USSR.

Implementing his new powers, the president appointed E. T. Gaidar as the first deputy prime minister responsible for developing a new economic concept for Russian reform.

On December 8, 1991, B. N. Yeltsin, together with L. M. Kravchuk and S. S. Shushkevich, signed the Belovezhskaya Agreement of the heads of Belarus, Russia and Ukraine on the liquidation of the USSR and the formation of the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS).

At the end of the year, the Russian President approved a decree on price liberalization from January 2, 1992. In January 1992, the decree “On Free Trade” was also signed, putting an end to distribution system Soviet trade.

In June 1992, he terminated his powers as Chairman of the Government of the Russian Federation and assigned the duties of Chairman of the Government of the Russian Federation to E. T. Gaidar. The cabinet began a decisive market reform and privatization of state property.

During 1992, the confrontation between the legislative and executive powers grew, which is often called the “crisis of dual power.” Formally, it was based on contradictions in the constitutional system of Russia, but in fact - dissatisfaction on the part of the parliament with the ongoing reforms.

At the VII Congress of People's Deputies of Russia (December 1992), the parliament launched an open attack on the president, although already on the first day of the congress, B. N. Yeltsin proposed introducing a kind of “stabilization period”, within which both sides would follow pre-agreed rules . The President proposed that the congress temporarily abandon attempts to increase influence on the executive branch by using its right to amend the Constitution. The congress rejected these proposals, then by a majority vote rejected the candidacy of E. T. Gaidar, whom the president proposed for the post of prime minister.

December 10, 1992 B.N. Yeltsin made an appeal to the citizens of Russia, in which he called the Congress of People's Deputies the main stronghold of conservatism, placing on it the main responsibility for the difficult situation in the country and accusing it of preparing a “creeping coup.” The Supreme Council, the president emphasized, wants to have all the powers and rights, but does not want to bear responsibility. Reforms are being blocked, and there is a danger of destroying all positive processes. B.N. Yeltsin said that he sees a way out of the crisis in holding a national referendum on confidence in the president. B.N. Yeltsin called on citizens to begin collecting signatures for its implementation and firmly promised to submit to the will of the people, whatever it may be.

At the VIII Congress of People's Deputies of the Russian Federation (March 1993), the political crisis entered a new phase: the deputies decided to disavow a number of previously reached compromise agreements, including the consent of the congress to hold a referendum.
In this regard, on March 20, B.N. Yeltsin signed a decree calling for April 25, 1993 a referendum on confidence in the President of the Russian Federation and at the same time in the project new Constitution and the draft law on elections to the federal parliament.

The All-Russian referendum took place on time. Russians were asked the following questions: “Do you trust the President of the Russian Federation B. Yeltsin?”, “Do you approve social policy carried out by the President of the Russian Federation and the Government of the Russian Federation since 1992?”, “Do you think necessary early elections President of the Russian Federation?”, “Do you consider it necessary to hold early elections of people’s deputies of the Russian Federation?” There were 107 million citizens on the electoral rolls. 64.5% of voters took part in the referendum.

On September 21, 1993, the decree “On phased constitutional reform in the Russian Federation” (decree No. 1400) was promulgated, which dissolved the Supreme Council and the Congress of People's Deputies of the Russian Federation. The President called elections in State Duma- lower house of the Federal Assembly - on December 11-12, 1993. The Federation Council was declared the upper house of the Federal Assembly. On the same day (September 21), an extraordinary session of the Supreme Council reopened the confrontation with the president in order to remove him from office. The crisis lasted until October 4, 1993 and ended with the restoration of constitutional order in the country. This required the introduction of a state of emergency in Moscow, the suppression by force of attempts by the opposition to take over the Moscow City Hall and the television center in Ostankino by force, and the suppression of armed resistance directly in the White House.

The crisis resulted in the president's decision to suspend the activities of the Communist Party. On October 26, a decree “On the reform of local self-government in the Russian Federation” was signed, which liquidated the Councils of People’s Deputies. Subsequently, the president’s efforts related to the problems of local self-government were aimed mainly at organizational and political assistance new system, the basis of which was local administrations (this work ended with the adoption at the end of the summer of 1995 of the law “On general principles local government organizations").

The adoption of the new Constitution and the elections on December 12, 1993 significantly improved the atmosphere in society and opened up the opportunity for all branches of government to focus on constructive work. In February 1994, in his first annual Address, the President called on the government to strengthen the social orientation of reforms. The president’s consistent efforts to pacify public sentiment led to the appearance in April 1994 of an important document - the “Treaty of Public Accord”, which became a tool for consolidating power, political elite and society in the interests of creating favorable conditions to continue reforms. The meaning of the agreement was seen in the search for compromises, establishing dialogue between government agencies and various political forces in Russia.
Along with complex economic problems, problems of federal relations came to the fore. In particular, the situation around the Chechen Republic developed dramatically. Negative consequences her stay outside the legal framework of Russia under the Dudayev regime was obvious. At the end of 1994, the Russian leadership began to unravel the Chechen knot, hoping to solve this fundamental task in a short time and with limited forces.

The development of the special operation in Chechnya into a military campaign and the difficulties of socio-economic development affected the results of the State Duma elections in December 1995, as a result of which the Communist Party of the Russian Federation doubled its representation. There was a real threat of communist revenge. In this regard, the presidential elections scheduled for June 1996, in which eight candidates applied to participate, acquired enormous significance.

1996 - 1999

In the situation that was developing at the beginning of 1996, B.N. Yeltsin took into account and carefully responded to the prevailing moods in society and demanded that the government promptly solve the problems that worried people. The President carried out a decisive reorganization of the Cabinet of Ministers, which in January 1996 began to develop a new program of change.

In January - April 1996, the president signed a series of decrees aimed at timely payment of salaries to public sector employees, compensation payments pensioners, increased scholarships for undergraduate and graduate students. Energetic steps were taken to resolve the Chechen problem (from the development of a plan for a peaceful settlement to a scheme for the liquidation of Dudayev and the cessation of military operations). The signing of agreements between Russia and Belarus, as well as between Russia, Belarus, Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan, demonstrated the seriousness of integration intentions in the post-Soviet space.

The President made 52 trips to various regions of the Russian Federation, including to intensify the conclusion of bilateral agreements between the federal center and the territories and regions of Russia.

The will of B. N. Yeltsin, his desire to achieve for all Russians the opportunity to live with dignity and freedom, uncompromisingness in the fight against the orthodox party nomenklatura clinging to power ensured the victory of the presidential course in the 1996 elections. In the second round of elections on July 3, 1996, B. N. Yeltsin defeated the leader of the Russian communists G. A. Zyuganov, gaining 53.8% of the vote (the candidate from the Communist Party of the Russian Federation received 40.3%). The main result of the difficult victory was not just the re-election of B. N. Yeltsin, it was a success new Constitution, a new political system and a young Russian statehood.

The 96 Presidential Marathon had a great impact on the socio-economic and political situation in Russia. The election victory made it possible to relieve social tensions and continue moving towards a market economy. The strengthening of the democratic foundations of the constitutional system was continued, the foundations of the legislative framework of the market economy were laid, labor markets, goods, currency, valuable papers. However, the situation in Chechnya remained difficult, where hostilities began again after the presidential elections. In this regard, the President authorized negotiations on August 22 and 30, 1996 in Khasavyurt, which ended with the signing of important documents. According to the agreements, the parties stopped hostilities, federal troops were withdrawn from Chechnya, and the decision on the status of Chechnya was postponed until 2001.

By the spring of 1997, the president completed the work begun earlier on reorganizing the government, the main task of which during the second presidency of B. N. Yeltsin was to develop a new socio-economic program. This program of priority measures became known as the “Seven Top Things.” It was planned to do the following: eliminate wage arrears, move to targeted social support, introduce common rules of the game for bankers and entrepreneurs, limit the influence of “natural monopolies”, fight against bureaucratic arbitrariness and corruption, intensify the regional economic initiative, widely explain to the public the meaning and goals entrepreneurship.
The government energetically took on the tasks at hand, although not all of the measures it proposed received parliamentary or broader public support. Criticism of the team of “young reformers” was also voiced in the President’s Address to the Federal Assembly in February 1998. On March 23, a presidential decree followed on the resignation of Prime Minister V.S. Chernomyrdin and his government. B. N. Yeltsin’s decision, which was initially perceived as a sensation, was based on a clear awareness of the inevitable completion of a certain stage of economic policy.

The political “heavyweight” V. S. Chernomyrdin was replaced by the young S. V. Kiriyenko. The President again demonstrated his principle of constant rejuvenation and rotation of personnel at the upper levels of the management system.

However, already in August 1998, the country faced a global financial crisis, which led the government of S.V. Kiriyenko to the fall. Default, collapse banking system and repeated devaluation of the ruble extremely complicated the economic situation of the country, however Russian market turned out to be stronger than expected. The August crisis was followed by a rise: replacement imported goods domestic and increased export activity contributed to the stabilization of the economy.

In September 1998, the head of state proposed E.M. Primakov, who at that time headed the Russian Foreign Ministry, for the post of prime minister. The inclusion of representatives of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation in the government gave grounds to talk about the “leftward movement” of the executive branch. The cabinet sometimes enthusiastically participated in political discussions on the side of the parliamentary opposition. The President, in turn, demanded that the government strictly adhere to tactics for solving specific cases. There were no radical changes in the course of reforms, and it was even possible to generally stabilize the socio-political situation. On May 12, 1999, the president dismissed E.M. Primakov. The reasons for this step, which seemed irrational at the time, were in fact simple: the head of state did not see his successor in the then prime minister.

His name was actually named by B.N. Yeltsin on August 9, 1999 after signing a decree appointing V.V. Putin as acting Prime Minister, whose assumption of office coincided with the start of a large-scale operation against Chechen militants in Dagestan.

V.V. Putin’s energetic involvement in solving complex problems received the support of the majority Russian citizens. An important role was played by the consistency with which he declared the continuity of the policy of strengthening the foundations of a market economy and the democratic structure of Russia laid in the 90s.

On December 31, 1999, B. N. Yeltsin announced his resignation and signed a decree “On the execution of the powers of the President of the Russian Federation”: “1. In accordance with Part 2 of Article 92 of the Constitution of the Russian Federation, I cease to exercise the powers of the President of the Russian Federation from 12:00 on December 31, 1999. 2. In accordance with Part 3 of Article 92 of the Constitution of the Russian Federation, the powers of the President of the Russian Federation are temporarily exercised by the Chairman of the Government of the Russian Federation from 12:00 on December 31, 1999. This decree comes into force from the moment it is signed.”

Russians learned about this decision of their president from his New Year's television address. Thus, in modern Russia For the first time, a precedent was created for the voluntary transfer of power.

The first President of Russia was awarded the order“For services to the Fatherland”, 1st degree, as well as the Order of Lenin, two Orders of the Red Banner of Labor, the Order of the Badge of Honor, the Order of Gorchakov (the highest award of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation), the Order of the Royal Order of Peace and Justice (UNESCO), the Shield medals Freedom" and "For dedication and courage" (USA), the Order of the Knight Grand Cross (Italy's highest state award) and many others.

Boris Nikolaevich was interested in hunting, sports, music, literature, and cinema. Boris Nikolayevich Yeltsin's family is large: wife Naina Iosifovna, daughters Elena and Tatyana, grandchildren Katya, Masha, Boris, Gleb, Ivan and Maria, great-grandchildren Alexander and Mikhail.

Boris Nikolaevich Yeltsin died on April 23, 2007. He was buried at the Novodevichy cemetery in Moscow.

Boris Yeltsin was the first President of Russia. He was a strong leader, although he made many tactical blunders in his position. For eight years this man led a huge country and tried to lead it out of the crisis.

Job in Moscow

In 1968, Boris Yeltsin began his party career. A graduate of the Ural Polytechnic named after Kirov became the head of the construction department. Success in political service provided him with a quick breakthrough in his career. In 1984, Boris Nikolaevich was already a member of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR. From 1985-1987 served as First Secretary of the Moscow City Committee of the CPSU.

In 1987, at the plenum of the Supreme Council, he criticized the activities of the current leader Mikhail Gorbachev. He was demoted to the position of deputy head of Gosstroy. In 1989, Yeltsin became a people's deputy of the USSR Supreme Council.

In 1990, he became Chairman of the Supreme Council of the RSFSR.

1991 presidential election

On March 17, 1991, a referendum was held in the USSR. On the agenda were the issue of introducing the post of president and the item on maintaining the status of the USSR. Purposeful and uncompromising Boris Yeltsin decided to run as a candidate for the presidency. His competitors in this race were pro-government candidate Nikolai Ryzhkov and Vladimir Zhirinovsky.

On June 12, 1991, the first presidential elections were held. B. N. Yeltsin was elected by a majority of votes. The reign of the first leader of Russia was originally supposed to be 5 years. Since the country was in a deep political and economic crisis, no one knew how long real life the new president will remain in office. A. Rutskoy was elected vice-president. He and Yeltsin were supported by the Democratic Russia bloc.

On July 10, 1991, Boris Yeltsin took an oath to serve his people faithfully. Mikhail Gorbachev remained the President of the USSR. Dual power did not suit the ambitious Yeltsin, although many researchers and politicians argue that the final goal of the new Russian leader was the collapse of the Union. Perhaps it was a political order that he carried out brilliantly.

August putsch

The years of Boris Yeltsin's reign were marked by significant unrest at the top of the state. Members of the CPSU did not want a change in leadership and understood that with the arrival of a new leader, the collapse of the USSR and their removal from power was not far off. Yeltsin harshly criticized the nomenklatura circles and repeatedly accused senior leaders of corruption.

Gorbachev and President Yeltsin, whose reign had been unstable, discussed the cornerstones of their cooperation and decided to eliminate the USSR politically. For this purpose, it was decided to create a confederation - the Union of Sovereign Soviet Republics. On August 20, this document was to be signed by the leaders of all union republics.

The State Emergency Committee launched active activities on August 18-21, 1991. During Gorbachev's stay in Crimea, a temporary government agency State Emergency Committee, and a state of emergency was introduced in the country. The population was informed about this on the radio. The Democratic forces led by Yeltsin and Rutsky began to resist the old party elite.

The conspirators had some support in the army and the KGB. They pulled up some separate groups of troops to bring them into the capital. Meanwhile, President of the RSFSR Yeltsin was on a business trip. Opponents of the collapse of the Union decided to detain him upon arrival as far as possible from the White House. Other putschists decided to go to Gorbachev, convince him to introduce a state of emergency by his decree and appeal to the people.

On August 19, the media announced the resignation of M. Gorbachev for health reasons, acting. O. Gennady Yanaev was appointed president.

Yeltsin and his supporters were supported by the opposition radio Ekho Moskvy. The Alpha detachment arrived at the president's dacha, but there was no order to block him or take him into custody, so Boris Nikolaevich was able to mobilize all his supporters.

Yeltsin arrives at the White House, and local rallies begin in Moscow. Ordinary democratically minded citizens are trying to resist the State Emergency Committee. The protesters built barricades in the square and dismantled paving stones. Tanks without ammunition and 10 infantry fighting vehicles were driven to the square.

On the 21st, mass clashes began, three citizens died. The conspirators were arrested, and Boris Yeltsin, whose years of rule were tense from the very beginning, dissolved the CPSU and nationalized the party's property. The putschist plan failed.

As a result, in December 1991, secretly from M. Gorbachev, the Bialowieza Agreements were signed, putting an end to the USSR and giving rise to new independent republics.

1993 crisis

In September 1993, former comrades quarreled. B. N. Yeltsin, whose years of rule were very difficult in the initial period, understood that the opposition in the person of Vice-President A. Rutsky and the Supreme Council of the RSFSR was doing its best to slow down new economic reforms. In this regard, B. Yeltsin issued decree 1400 - on the dissolution of the Armed Forces. A decision was made to hold new elections to the Federal Assembly.

Naturally, such a monopolization of power caused protest among members of the Supreme Council. As usual, equipment was brought to the capital and people were brought out into the streets. Several attempts were made to impeach the president, but Yeltsin ignored the legislation. Supporters of the Armed Forces were dispersed, opposition leaders were arrested. As a result of the clashes, according to various sources, about 200 people were killed and more than a thousand were injured.

After the victory of Boris Yeltsin and his supporters in Russia there was a transitional period of presidential dictatorship. All government bodies connecting Russia with the USSR were liquidated.

Socio-economic reforms of B. Yeltsin

Many economists and politicians, looking back at the years of Yeltsin's rule in Russia, call his policies chaotic and stupid. There was no single clear plan. For the first few years, the state was generally in a political crisis, which eventually resulted in the 1993 coup.

Many of the ideas of the president and his supporters were promising, but in implementing them according to the old monopolized system, Yeltsin ran into many pitfalls. As a result, the reform of the state led to a protracted crisis in the economic sphere, loss of deposits from the population and complete distrust of the authorities.

The main reforms of President Yeltsin:

• price liberalization, free market;
• land reform - transfer land into private hands;
• privatization;
• reforming political power.

First Chechen War

In 1991, the independent Republic of Ichkeria was formed on the territory of Chechnya. This state of affairs did not suit Russia. Dzhokhar Dudayev became the president of the new independent republic. The Russian Supreme Court declared the elections invalid. The victory of the separatist forces led to the collapse of the Chechen-Ingush Republic. Ingushetia decided to remain autonomous within Russia. Based on this desire, Boris Yeltsin, whose years of rule had already been washed by rivers of blood, decided to send troops during the Ossetian-Ingush conflict of 1992. Chechnya was actually an independent state, not recognized by anyone. There was actually a civil war going on in the country. In 1994, Yeltsin decided to send troops to restore order in Chechnya. People's Republic. As a result, the armed conflict with the use of Russian troops lasted two years.

Second presidential term

The second presidential term was extremely difficult for Boris Yeltsin. Firstly, constant heart problems were taking their toll, and secondly, the country was on the verge of a crisis, which the “sick” president did not have the strength to cope with. The newly elected president placed his bet on “political youth” in the person of Chubais and Nemtsov. Their active implementation of the reform course did not lead to the expected increase in GDP; the country lived off multi-billion dollar loans. In 1998, Yeltsin, whose years of rule were not successful for the state, began to look for a successor. This was the unknown head of the FSB, V. Putin.

Resignation

In 1998, B. Yeltsin’s “sand” economy collapsed. Default, price increases, job cuts, total instability, shutdown of large enterprises. Virtual market economy could not withstand the harsh realities. Having chosen a worthy candidate for his post and having secured V. Putin’s commitment to a comfortable old age, the first President of Russia, speaking in front of television viewers, resigned.