Did Sergius of Radonezh bless Dmitry Donskoy? Reverend Sergius of Radonezh and Dmitry Donskoy. Battle of Kulikovo
In the summer of 1380, terrible news came to Prince Dmitry Ivanovich in Moscow: the Tatar ruler, Temnik Mamai, with the entire Golden Horde was going to Rus'. Not content with the Tatar and Polovtsian strength, the khan hired more detachments of Besermen (Trans-Caspian Muslims), Alans, Circassians and Crimean Fryags (Genoese). Moreover, he entered into an alliance with the enemy of Moscow, the Lithuanian prince Jagiel, who promised to unite with him. The news added that Mamai wants to completely exterminate the Russian princes, and plant his own Baskaks in their place; even threatens to eradicate Orthodox faith and instead introduce a Muslim one. The messenger of Prince Oleg of Ryazan informed that Mamai had already crossed to the right side of the Don and had migrated to the mouth of the Voronezh River, to the borders of the Ryazan land.
Mamai. Artist V. Matorin
Dmitry Ivanovich first of all resorted to prayer and repentance. And then he sent messengers to all ends of his land with the command that the governors and governors should hurry with their military men to Moscow. He also sent letters to the neighboring Russian princes, asking them to come to the rescue with their squads as soon as possible. First of all, Vladimir Andreevich Serpukhovskoy came to the call. From all sides, military men and henchmen of the princes began to gather in Moscow.
Meanwhile, Mamai's ambassadors arrived and demanded the same tribute that Rus' paid under Khan Uzbek, and the same humility that was under the old khans. Dmitry gathered the boyars, henchmen of the princes and clergy. The clergy said that it was appropriate to quench Mamaev’s rage with great tribute and gifts, so that Christian blood would not be shed. This advice was respected. The Grand Duke gifted the Tatar embassy and sent Ambassador Zakhary Tyutchev to the khan with many gifts and peace proposals. However, there was little hope of appeasing the evil Tatar, and military preparations continued. As the Russian militia gathering in Moscow increased, warlike inspiration grew among the Russian people. The recent victory at Vozha was in everyone’s memory. The consciousness of Russian national unity and Russian strength grew.
Soon a messenger from Zakhary Tyutchev arrived with new bad news. Tyutchev, having reached the Ryazan borders, learned that Mamai was going to Moscow land and that not only Jagiello of Lithuania, but also Oleg Ryazansky had accosted him. Oleg invited Jogaila to divide the Moscow volosts and assured Mamai that Dmitry would not dare to go against the Tatars and would run away to the north. Khan agreed with Jagiel and Oleg to meet on the banks of the Oka on September 1st.
The news of Oleg Ryazansky's betrayal did not shake Prince Dmitry's resolve. On general council They decided to go to meet Mamai in the steppe, and, if possible, to prevent his connection with Jagiel and Oleg. To the princes and governors who had not yet arrived in Moscow, Dmitry sent messengers with letters to go to Kolomna, which had been appointed as the meeting place for all the militias. The Grand Duke equipped a cavalry reconnaissance detachment under the command of Rodion Rzhevsky, Andrei Volosaty and Vasily Tupik. They had to go to the Don steppe right under Mamaev’s Horde in order to “get language,” i.e. prisoners from whom one could learn exactly the enemy's intentions.
Without waiting for news from these scouts, Dmitry equipped a second watchman. On the way she met Vasily Tupik, who was detached from the first one. Scouts arrived in Moscow and reported to the prince that Mamai was going to Rus' with the entire Horde, that the great princes of Lithuania and Ryazan were really in alliance with him, but that the khan was in no hurry: he was waiting for Jagiello to help and was waiting for the fall, when the fields in Rus' would be harvested and the Horde can take advantage of ready supplies. When preparing to go to Rus', the khan sent out an order to his uluses: “do not plow the land and do not worry about bread; be ready for Russian bread.”
Dmitry Ivanovich ordered the regional regiments to rush to Kolomna by August 15, on Assumption Day. Before the campaign, he went to take a blessing from St. Sergius of Radonezh, to the monastery of the Trinity. It was not yet distinguished by either majestic stone buildings, or the heads of rich temples, or numerous brethren; but was already famous for the exploits of Sergius of Radonezh. The glory of his spiritual insight was so great that the princes and boyars asked for his prayers and blessings; Metropolitans Alexei and Cyprian turned to him for advice and help.
On August 15, 1380, Dmitry Ivanovich arrived in Trinity, accompanied by some princes, boyars and many nobles. He hoped to hear some prophetic word from the holy man. Having celebrated mass and accepted the abbot’s blessing, the Grand Duke shared a modest monastic meal with the monk.
After the meal, Abbot Sergius said to him:
“Almost give gifts and honor the wicked Mamai; May the Lord God, seeing your humility, exalt you, and bring down his indomitable rage and pride.”
“I have already done this, father,” answered Dmitry. “But most of all he ascends with great pride.”
“If so,” said the Reverend, “then of course destruction and desolation await him; and you will receive help, mercy, and glory from the Lord God and the Most Pure Mother of God and His saints.”
Blessing of Sergius of Radonezh for the Battle of Kulikovo. Artist P. Ryzhenko
From among the monastic brethren, two monks stood out for their tall stature and strong build. Their names were Peresvet and Oslyabya; Before entering the monastery, they were known as heroes and were distinguished by their feats of arms. Peresvet, who bore the name of Alexander in the world, was from a family of Bryansk boyars.
“Give me these two warriors,” said the Grand Duke Sergius.
The monk ordered both brothers to prepare for military action. The monks immediately put on weapons. Sergius gave each of them a schema with a cross sewn on it.
Dismissing the guests, Sergius of Radonezh made the sign of the cross over the Grand Duke and his companions and again said in a prophetic voice:
“The Lord God will be your helper and protector; He will defeat and overthrow your adversaries and glorify you.”
Venerable Sergius was an ardent Russian patriot. He passionately loved his homeland and was second to no one in his jealousy for its liberation from the shameful yoke. The prophetic words of the saint filled the heart of the Grand Duke with joy and hope. Returning to Moscow, he did not hesitate any longer to perform.
Performance of the Russian army on the Kulikovo field
If we remember the preparations of the southern Russian princes for the campaign against Kalka against the then unknown Tatars, we will see a great difference. Princes, Mstislav Udaloy Galitsky, Mstislav of Kiev, accustomed to victories over the steppe barbarians, went to the steppe noisily and cheerfully; competed with each other; and some thought about how to attack the enemy before others, so as not to share victory and spoils with them. Not so now. Taught by bitter experience and humbled by the heavy yoke, the Northern Russian princes, gathered around Dmitry, obediently and unanimously follow their leader. The Grand Duke himself prepares for the task thoughtfully and carefully; and most importantly, he does everything with prayer and with the blessing of the church.
On August 20, the army set out on a campaign. Dmitry Ivanovich with the princes and governors prayed fervently in the cathedral Assumption Church; falling at the tomb of St. Peter the Metropolitan. The bishop interceding for the metropolitan served a farewell prayer service. From the Assumption Cathedral, Dmitry went to the Church of the Archangel Michael and there he bowed to the tombs of his father and grandfather. Then he said goodbye to his wife and children and went to the army. It blocked all the streets and squares adjacent to the Kremlin. A selected part of it lined up on Red Square with its rear to Bolshoy Posad (Kitai-Gorod), and facing the three Kremlin gates. Priests and deacons crossed and sprinkled the warriors.
Farewell to the militia on the Kulikovo Field. Artist Y. Raksha
The shelves presented a majestic spectacle. Banners on high staffs fluttered over the army in large numbers; the spears raised up looked like an entire forest. Among the governors, Dmitry Ivanovich himself especially stood out both for his grand-ducal attire and his dignified appearance. He was a tall, stocky man, dark-haired, with a thick beard and large, intelligent eyes. He was no more than thirty years old. His beloved cousin Vladimir Andreevich, even younger than Dmitry, left the Kremlin with him. Around them rode a retinue of the henchmen of the princes who had gathered in Moscow, such as: Belozersky Fedor Romanovich and Semyon Mikhailovich, Andrei Kemsky, Gleb Kargopolsky and Kubensky, the princes of Rostov, Yaroslavl, Ustyug, Andrei and Roman Prozorovsky, Lev Kurbsky, Andrei Muromsky, Yuri Meshchersky, Fedor Yeletsky.
The entire Moscow population poured out to see off the militia. Women cried out as they parted with their husbands and relatives. Stopping in front of the army, the Grand Duke said loudly to those around him:
“My dear brothers, we will not spare our lives for the Christian faith, for the holy churches and for the Russian land!”
“We are ready to lay down our heads for the faith of Christ and for you, Sovereign Grand Duke!” - answered from the crowd.
They struck the tambourines, blew the trumpets, and the army set out on the march. To avoid overcrowding, the army divided and went to Kolomna along three roads: Grand Duke Dmitry sent one, with Vladimir Andreevich, to Bronnitsy, the other with the Belozersky princes he sent along the Bolvanskaya road, and the third he himself led to Kotel. The army was followed by a long convoy. The warriors placed the heavier parts of their weapons on carts. Princes and boyars had special convoys and numerous servants with them.
E. Danilevsky. To the field of Kulikov
During his absence, the Grand Duke entrusted his family and Moscow to the governor Fyodor Kobylin (son of Andrei Kobyla, the founder of the royal Romanov dynasty). He took ten Surozhans with him on a campaign, that is, Russian merchants who traveled on trade business to Kafa (Feodosia), Surozh (Sudak) and other Crimean cities. They knew the southern routes, border cities and nomadic Tatars well and could serve the army as reliable guides and experienced people for purchasing and finding food.
On August 24, Dmitry Ivanovich reached the city of Kolomna. Here the Grand Duke was met by the governors of the already assembled regiments, as well as Kolomna Bishop Gerasim and the priests. The next day there was a grand ducal review of the entire army in a wide meadow. Dmitry then divided the entire militia into the usual four regiments and assigned leaders to each. He left the main or great regiment under his command; He also placed the daring princes of Belozersky in his regiment. In addition to their own Moscow squad, in this main regiment there were governors who commanded the following squads: Kolomenskaya - thousand Nikolai Vasilyevich Velyaminov, Vladimirskaya - Prince Roman Prozorovsky, Yuryevskaya - boyar Timofey Valuevich, Kostromskaya Ivan Rodionovich Kvashnya, Pereyaslavskaya - Andrei Serkizovich. Grand Duke Dmitry entrusted the regiment of his right hand to his cousin Vladimir Andreevich Serpukhovsky and gave him the princes of Yaroslavl; under Vladimir the governors were: boyars Danilo Belous and Konstantin Kononovich, Prince Fyodor Yeletsky, Yuri Meshchersky and Andrei Muromsky. The left hand is entrusted to Prince Gleb Bryansky, and the advanced regiment is entrusted to princes Dmitry and Vladimir (Drutsky?).
Here Dmitry Ivanovich was finally convinced of the betrayal of Oleg Ryazansky, who until that moment had been cunning and continued to have friendly relations with Dmitry. Probably, this circumstance prompted the latter, instead of crossing the Oka near Kolomna and entering the borders of the Ryazan land, to deviate somewhat to the west in order to bypass them. Perhaps he was giving time for the Moscow detachments that had not yet arrived to join him.
The next morning, the princes set out on a further campaign along the left bank of the Oka. Near the mouths of Lopasna, Timofey Vasilievich Velyaminov joined the army; with the warriors who gathered in Moscow after the Grand Duke’s speech. Dmitry ordered the army to be transported across the Oka in this place. After the crossing, he ordered the entire militia to be counted. Our chroniclers obviously exaggerate when they say that they counted more than 200,000 warriors. We will be closer to the truth if we assume that there were only a small number of them. one hundred thousand. But in any case, it is clear that the Russian land has never fielded such a great army. And, meanwhile, this army was assembled only in the domains of the Moscow prince and the small appanage princes under his command.
None of the major princes took part in the glorious enterprise, although Dmitry sent messengers everywhere. The princes were either afraid of the Tatars, or envied Moscow and did not want to help its strengthening. Not to mention Oleg Ryazansky, the great Prince of Tver Mikhail Alexandrovich also did not come to the rescue. Even the father-in-law of the Moscow prince Dmitry Konstantinovich Nizhegorodsky did not send his squads to his son-in-law. Neither the Smolensk nor the Novgorodians showed up. Dmitry Ivanovich, however, only regretted that he had few foot troops, which could not always keep up with the cavalry. Therefore, he left Timofey Vasilyevich Velyaminov with Lopasna, so that he would gather all the lagging troops and bring them to the main army.
The army moved to the upper Don, heading along the western borders of Ryazan. The Grand Duke strictly punished that the warriors on the campaign should not offend the inhabitants, avoiding any reason to irritate the Ryazan people. The entire transition was completed quickly and safely. The weather itself was favorable to him: although autumn was beginning, the days were clear, warm, and the soil was dry.
During the campaign, two Olgerdovichs arrived with their squads to Dmitry Ivanovich, Andrei Polotsky, who was then reigning in Pskov, and Dmitry Koribut of Bryansk. This latter, like his brother Andrei, having quarreled with Jagiel, temporarily became one of the assistants of the Prince of Moscow. The Olgerdovichs were famous for their military experience and could be useful in case of war with their brother Jagiel.
The Grand Duke constantly collected news about the position and intentions of the enemies. He sent forward the efficient boyar Semyon Melik with selected cavalry. She was given instructions to go under the Tatar guards. Approaching the Don, Dmitry Ivanovich stopped the regiments and, at a place called Bereza, waited for the lagging foot army. Then the nobles came to him, sent by the boyar Melik with a captured Tatar from the retinue of Mamai himself. He said that the khan was already standing on the Kuzminskaya gati; moves forward slowly, because everything awaits Oleg Ryazansky and Jogaila; He does not yet know about Dmitry’s proximity, relying on Oleg, who assured that the Moscow prince would not dare to come out to meet him. However, one might think that in three days Mamai will switch to left side Don. At the same time, news came that Jagiello, who had set out to unite with Mamai, was already standing on the Upa near Odoev.
Dmitry Ivanovich began to confer with the princes and governors.
“Where to fight? - he asked. “Should we wait for the Tatars on this side or be transported to the other side?”
Opinions were divided. Some were inclined to not cross the river and not leave Lithuania and Ryazan in their rear. But others were of a contrary opinion, including the Olgerdovich brothers, who convincingly insisted on crossing the Don.
“If we stay here,” they reasoned, “we will give way to cowardice. And if we are transported to the other side of the Don, then a strong spirit will be in the army. Knowing that there is nowhere to run, the warriors will fight courageously. And that tongues frighten us with countless Tatar strength, it is not in God’s power, but in truth.” They also gave Dmitry examples of his glorious ancestors known from the chronicles: thus, Yaroslav, having crossed the Dnieper, defeated the accursed Svyatopolok; Alexander Nevsky, crossing the river, struck the Swedes.
The Grand Duke accepted the opinion of the Olgerdovichs, saying to the cautious governors:
“Know that I came here not to look at Oleg or to guard the Don River, but to save the Russian land from captivity and ruin or to lay down my life for everyone. It would be better to go against the godless Tatars than to come back and do nothing and turn back. Now let’s go beyond the Don and there we will either win, or lay down our lives for our Christian brothers.”
Dmitry's determination was greatly influenced by the letter received from Abbot Sergius. He again blessed the prince for his feat, encouraged him to fight the Tatars and promised victory.
September 7, 1380, on the eve of the Nativity of the Virgin Mary, Russian army moved closer to the Don himself. The Grand Duke ordered to build bridges for the infantry, and to look for fords for the cavalry - the Don in those places does not differ in either the width or depth of the current.
Indeed, there was not a single minute to lose. Semyon Melik galloped up to the Grand Duke with his guard and reported that he had already fought with the advanced Tatar riders; that Mamai is already at Goose Ford; he now knows about Dmitry’s arrival and hurries to the Don in order to block the Russian crossing before the arrival of Jagiel, who has already moved from Odoev towards Mamai.
Omens on the night before the Battle of Kulikovo
By nightfall, the Russian army managed to cross the Don and settled on the wooded hills at the confluence of the Nepryadva River. Behind the hills lay a wide ten-verst field called Kulikov; The Smolka River flowed through it. Behind her, the horde of Mamai set up their camp, who arrived here by nightfall and did not have time to interfere with the Russian crossing. On the highest point of the field, Red Hill, the khan's tent was erected. The surrounding area of the Kulikovo Field was a gully area, covered with bushes, and partly with forest thickets in damp places.
Among Dmitry Ivanovich’s main governors was Dmitry Mikhailovich Bobrok, a Volyn boyar. In those days, many boyars and nobles from Western and Southern Rus' came to Moscow. One of the unruled princes of Volyn, Dmitry Bobrok, who was married to the sister of the Moscow prince, Anna, also belonged to such immigrants. Bobrok has already managed to distinguish himself with several victories. He was known as a very skilled man in military affairs, even a healer. He knew how to tell fortunes using various signs, and volunteered to show the Grand Duke signs by which one could find out the fate of the upcoming battle.
The chronicle tells that at night the Grand Duke and Bobrok went to the Kulikovo field, stood between both armies and began to listen. They heard a great cry and knocking, as if a noisy market was taking place or a city was being built. Behind the Tatar camp the howls of wolves were heard; on the left side eagles clucked and crows crowed; and on the right side, over the Nepryadva River, flocks of geese and ducks hovered and flapped their wings, as if before a terrible storm.
“What did you hear, Mr. Prince?” – Volynets asked.
“I heard, brother, fear and a great thunderstorm,” answered Dmitry.
“Turn, prince, to the Russian shelves.”
Dmitry turned his horse. On the Russian side of the Kulikovo field there was great silence.
“What, sir, do you hear?” – Beaver asked.
“I don’t hear anything,” remarked the Grand Duke; “I just saw a glow coming from many lights.”
“Mr. Prince, thank God and all the saints,” said Bobrok: “the lights are a good sign.”
“I have another sign,” he said, got off his horse and pressed his ear to the ground. He listened for a long time, then stood up and hung his head.
“What then, brother?” – Dmitry asked.
The voivode did not answer, he was sad, he even cried, but finally he spoke:
“Mr. Prince, there are two signs: one for your great joy, and the other for your great sorrow. I heard the land crying bitterly and terribly in two: on one side it was as if a woman was screaming in a Tatar voice about her children; and on the other side it looks like a girl is crying and in great sadness. Trust in the mercy of God: you will overcome the filthy Tatars; but many multitudes of your Christian army will fall.”
If you believe the legend, that night wolves howled terribly on the Kulikovo field, and there were so many of them, as if they had come running from the whole universe. All night long the crowing of ravens and the chirping of eagles were also heard. Predatory animals and birds seemed to sense the smell of numerous corpses.
Description of the Battle of Kulikovo
The morning of September 8 was very foggy: the thick darkness made it difficult to see the movement of the regiments; only on both sides of the Kulikovo field were the sounds of military trumpets heard. But at about 9 o'clock the fog began to clear, and the sun illuminated the Russian regiments. They took such a position that their right side rested against the ravines and wilds of the Nizhny Dubik River, which flows into the Nepryadva, and their left side against the steep Smolka River, where it makes a northern turn. Dmitry placed the Olgerdovich brothers on the right wing of the battle, and placed the Belozersky princes on the left. The infantry for the most part was placed in the advanced regiment. This regiment was still commanded by the Vsevolodovich brothers; Boyar Nikolai Vasilievich Velyaminov and Kolomentsi also joined him. In the large or medium regiment, under the Grand Duke himself, Gleb Bryansky and Timofey Vasilyevich Velyaminov were in command. In addition, Dmitry dispatched another ambush regiment, which he entrusted to his brother Vladimir Andreevich and the mentioned boyar Dmitry Bobrok. This cavalry regiment was ambushed behind the left wing in a dense oak grove above the Smolka River. The regiment was placed so that it could easily reinforce the fighters, and in addition covered the convoys and communication with bridges on the Don, the only route of retreat in case of failure.
Morning on the Kulikovo field. Artist A. Bubnov
The Grand Duke rode around the ranks of soldiers on horseback before the battle and said to them: “Beloved fathers and brethren, for the sake of the Lord and the Most Pure Mother of God and for your own salvation, strive for the Orthodox faith and for our brethren.”
On the forehead of the great or main regiment stood the Grand Duke’s own squad and fluttered his large black banner with the face of the Savior embroidered on it. Dmitry Ivanovich took off the gold-woven grand-ducal drag; He placed it on the favorite of his boyar, Mikhail Brenk, put him on his horse and ordered him to carry a large black banner in front of him. And he covered himself with a simple cloak and mounted another horse. He rode in a guard regiment in order to personally attack the enemies ahead of him.
In vain did the princes and governors hold him back. “My dear brother,” answered Dmitry. - If I am your leader, then I want to start the battle ahead of you. I’ll die or I’ll live – together with you.”
At about eleven o'clock in the morning the Tatar army moved to battle in the middle of the Kulikovo field. It was scary to look at two formidable forces heading towards each other. The Russian army was distinguished by scarlet shields and light armor that shone in the sun; and from afar the Tatars, with their dark shields and gray caftans, looked like a black cloud. The front Tatar regiment, like the Russian one, consisted of infantry (maybe hired Genoese condottieri). She moved in a thick column, the rear ranks placing their spears on the shoulders of the front ones. At some distance from each other, the armies suddenly stopped. From the Tatar side, a huge warrior, like Goliath, rode out to the Kulikovo field to begin the battle with single combat, according to the custom of those times. He was from noble people and was called Chelubey.
The monk Peresvet saw him and said to the governors: “This man is looking for someone like himself; I want to see him." “Reverend Father Abbot Sergius,” he exclaimed, “help me with your prayer.” And with a spear he galloped towards the enemy. The Tatar rushed towards him. The opponents struck each other with such force that their horses fell to their knees, and they themselves fell to the ground dead.
Victory of Peresvet. Artist P. Ryzhenko
Then both armies moved. Dmitry showed an example of military courage. He changed several horses while fighting in the leading regiment; when both advanced armies mixed up, he rode off to the great regiment. But the turn came to this last one, and he again took a personal part in the battle. And Khan Mamai watched the battle from the top of the Red Hill.
Soon the site of the Battle of Kulikovo became so cramped that the warriors were suffocating in the dense rubble. There was nowhere to move aside; The terrain was obstructive on both sides. None of the Russians remembered such a terrible battle. “Spears broke like straw, arrows fell like rain, and people fell like grass under a scythe, blood flowed in streams.” The Battle of Kulikovo was predominantly hand-to-hand. Many died under horse hooves. But the horses could hardly move from the many corpses that covered the battlefield. In one place the Tatars prevailed, in another the Russians. The commanders of the front army, for the most part, soon died a heroic death.
The Russian army on foot had already been killed in battle. Taking advantage of their superiority in numbers, the Tatars upset our front regiments and began to press on the main army, the Moscow, Vladimir and Suzdal regiments. A crowd of Tatars broke through to the large banner, cut off its shaft and killed the boyar Brenka, mistaking him for the Grand Duke. But Gleb Bryansky and Timofey Vasilyevich managed to restore order and again close the large regiment. On his right hand, Andrei Olgerdovich defeated the Tatars; but did not dare to chase the enemy, so as not to move away from the large regiment, which was not moving forward. A strong Tatar horde attacked the latter and tried to break through it; and here many commanders had already been killed.
Dmitry and his assistants placed regiments in the Battle of Kulikovo in such a way that the Tatars could not cover them from any side. All they had to do was break through the Russian system somewhere and then hit him in the rear. Seeing failure in the center, they furiously rushed to our left wing. Here the fiercest battle raged for some time. When the Belozersky princes who commanded the left regiment all died the death of heroes, this regiment became confused and began to move back. The large regiment was in danger of being outflanked; the entire Russian army would have been confined to Nepryadva and would have been subjected to extermination. The frantic whooping and victorious cries of the Tatars were already heard on the Kulikovo field.
I. Glazunov. Temporary superiority of the Tatars
But for a long time Prince Vladimir Andreevich and Dmitry Volynets were watching the battle from ambush. The young prince was eager to fight. His impatience was shared by many other ardent young men. But the experienced commander held them back.
The fierce Battle of Kulikovo had already lasted two hours. Until now, the Tatars were also helped by the fact that the sunlight hit the Russians right in the eyes, and the wind blew in their faces. But little by little the sun set to one side, and the wind pulled in the other direction. The left wing, leaving in disorder, and the Tatar army chasing it, reached the oak grove where the ambush regiment was stationed.
“Now our time has come! - Beaver exclaimed. - Be brave, brothers and friends. In the name of the Father and the Son and the Holy Spirit!
V. Matorin, P. Popov. Impact of the Ambush Regiment
“Like falcons to a flock of cranes,” the Russian ambush squad rushed towards the Tatars. This unexpected attack by a fresh army confused the enemies, tired of the long battle on the Kulikovo field and having lost their military formation. They were soon completely defeated.
Meanwhile, Dmitry Olgerdovich, placed with his detachment behind a large regiment (in reserve), closed its side, which opened with the retreat of the left wing, and the main Tatar force, which continued to press on the large Russian regiment, did not have time to upset it. Now that Substantial part The enemy army was scattered and the ambush squad arrived in time. The Russian army arrived on the Kulikovo field to the aid of the main army, the latter went forward. The Tatars, who attacked hotly at the beginning of the battle, were already tired. Their main army trembled and began to retreat back. On the descent of Red Hill, reinforced by the last of the khan's forces, the Tatars stopped near their camps and again entered into battle. But not for long. The Russians surrounded the enemies from all sides. The entire Tatar horde took a wild flight from the Kulikovo field. Mamai himself and his closest Murzas rode into the steppe on fresh horses, leaving the camp with a lot of all sorts of goods to the victors. Russian cavalry detachments drove and beat the Tatars all the way to the Mechi River, at a distance of about forty miles; Moreover, they captured many camels loaded with various property, as well as entire herds of cattle and small livestock.
“But where is the Grand Duke?” - the surviving princes and governors asked each other at the end of the Battle of Kulikovo.
Vladimir Andreevich “stood on the bones” and ordered the collection to be sounded. When the army converged, Vladimir began to ask who had seen the Grand Duke. He sent warriors to all sides of the Kulikov field to look for Dmitry and promised a big reward to the one who found him.
Finally, two Kostroma residents, Fyodor Sabur and Grigory Khlopishchev, saw the Grand Duke lying under the branches of a felled tree; he was alive. The princes and boyars hurried to the indicated place and bowed to the ground to the Grand Duke.
Dmitry hardly opened his eyes and stood up. His helmet and armor were cut off; but they protected him from the edge of swords and spears. However, the body was covered with sores and bruises. Bearing in mind Dmitry's significant obesity, we will understand to what extent he was exhausted by the long battle and how he was stunned by the blows, most of which hit him on the head, shoulders and stomach, especially when he lost his horse and fought off enemies on foot. It was already night. Dmitry was put on a horse and taken to the tent.
The next day was Sunday. Dmitry first of all prayed to God and thanked Him for the victory; then he went to the army. With the princes and boyars, he began to travel around the Kulikovo field. It was a sad and terrible sight of a field covered with heaps of corpses and pools of dried blood. Christians and Tatars lay mingled with each other. The Belozersky princes Fyodor Romanovich, his son Ivan and nephew Semyon Mikhailovich, lay together with some of their relatives and many warriors. Counting the Belozerskys, up to fifteen Russian princes and princelings fell in the Battle of Kulikovo, including the two Tarussky brothers and Dmitry Monastyrev.
Kulikovo field. Standing on bones. Artist P. Ryzhenko
The Grand Duke shed tears over the corpses of his favorite Mikhail Andreevich Brenok and the great boyar Nikolai Vasilyevich Velyaminov. Among those killed were also: Semyon Melik, Valuy Okatievich, Ivan and Mikhail Akinfovich, Andrei Serkizov and many other boyars and nobles. Monk Oslyabya was also among the fallen.
The Grand Duke remained for eight days near the site of the Battle of Kulikovo, giving the army time to bury their brothers and rest. He ordered the number of the remaining army to be counted. Only forty thousand were found; consequently, much more than half fell to the share of the killed, wounded and cowardly who abandoned their banners.
Meanwhile, on September 8, Jagiello of Lithuania was only one day’s journey from the site of the Battle of Kulikovo. Having received the news of the victory of Dmitry Ivanovich Moskovsky, he hastily went back.
The return journey of Dmitry Donskoy's troops from the Kulikovo field
Finally, the Russian army set out on a return campaign from the Kulikovo field. Her convoy increased with many wagons captured from the Tatars, loaded with clothes, weapons and all sorts of goods. The Russians transported many seriously wounded soldiers to their homeland in logs made from a piece of wood cut lengthwise and hollowed out in the middle. Walking along the western borders of Ryazan, the Grand Duke again forbade the army to offend and rob the inhabitants. But it seems that this time things did not happen without some hostile clashes with the Ryazan people. When Dmitry, leaving behind the main army, arrived in Kolomna with light cavalry (September 21), he was met at the city gates by the same Bishop Gerasim, who performed a thanksgiving prayer. After staying in Kolomna for four days, the Grand Duke hurried to Moscow.
The messengers had long ago notified the residents of the glorious victory in the Battle of Kulikovo, and popular rejoicing began. On September 28, Dmitry solemnly entered Moscow. He was greeted by his joyful wife, many people, and clergy with crosses. The liturgy and thanksgiving prayer were performed in the Assumption Church. Dmitry gave charity to the poor and the poor, and especially to widows and orphans left after killed soldiers.
From Moscow, the Grand Duke and the boyars went to the Trinity Monastery. “Father, with your holy prayers I defeated the infidels,” Dmitry said to Abbot Sergius.” The Grand Duke generously endowed the monastery and the brethren. The bodies of the monks Peresvet and Oslyabya were buried near Moscow in the Nativity Church of the Simonov Monastery, the founder of which was the nephew of Sergius of Radonezh, Fedor, at that time the confessor of Grand Duke Dmitry. At the same time, many churches were founded in honor of the Nativity of the Virgin Mary, since the victory took place on the day of this holiday. The Russian Church established an annual celebration of the memory of those killed on the Kulikovo field on Dmitrovskaya Saturday, since September 8, 1380 fell on Saturday.
The significance of the Battle of Kulikovo
The Moscow people rejoiced at the great victory and glorified Dmitry and his brother Vladimir, giving the first the nickname Donskoy, and the second Brave. The Russians hoped that the Horde would be thrown into the dust, and the Tatar yoke would be thrown off forever. But this hope was not destined to come true so soon. Two years later, Moscow was to be burned during the campaign of Khan Tokhtamysh!
But the closer we get to know the feat accomplished by Dmitry Donskoy in 1380, the more convinced we become of its greatness. At present, it is not easy for us to imagine what kind of work it cost the Moscow Grand Duke five hundred years ago to gather and bring one hundred or one hundred and fifty thousand people to the battlefield of Kulikovo! And not only to collect them, but also to unite the rather diverse parts of this militia into a single army. The glory of the Kulikovo victory strengthened popular sympathy for the Moscow collectors of Rus' and greatly contributed to the cause of state unification.
Based on the works of the greatest Russian historian D. Ilovaisky
September 21 marks the 625th anniversary of the Battle of Kulikovo. The victory on the Kulikovo Field is undoubtedly one of the most significant events in Russian history. Like any phenomenon of this magnitude, over the years it began to be accompanied by all sorts of speculations, additions, “new details,” usually invented with good intentions. At some point, such virtual facts suddenly come to the fore, becoming not just a historical cliche, but an immutable truth. In the history of the Battle of Kulikovo, this kind of “truth” is also found.
Textual test
Monuments of Old Russian writing, which reflect the events of 1380, have long been identified in a special block as “works of the Kulikovo cycle.”
The first of them in terms of the time of writing are the article of 1380 by the Rogozhsky chronicler and the article of 1380, similar in content to it, by the Simonov Chronicle. According to experts, both of these sources were included in the chronicle of 1409, that is, they were read by contemporaries of the Battle of Kulikovo. What is the value! So, when describing the preparation for the campaign and the battle itself, the name of Sergius of Radonezh is not mentioned there at all. Consequently, there is no talk of any blessing of the Grand Duke by him.
The second oldest surviving evidence of the events of 1380 is conveyed by the 1st Novgorod Chronicle. Experts also consider it to go back to the code of 1409, in the sense that it was the primary source for the Novgorod author of the chronicle. The Novgorod 1st Chronicle itself appeared in the chronicle code of 1448, therefore, it was created in the 40s. XV century. More than 6 years have passed since the Battle of Kulikovo. There were practically no living witnesses to this grandiose event; at least, they could be counted on one hand.
And here Sergius of Radonezh is not mentioned at all.
At the same time, the Novgorod author reports an interesting fact that could not have seen the light of day in the previous narratives of Moscow authors: just before the battle, when the Russians entered the Kulikovo field and saw the Tatar army against them, ready for battle, their first reaction was panic, many recruits from the Moscow regiments rushed to flee... But then the chronicler pays tribute to Grand Duke Dmitry Ivanovich and Prince Vladimir Serpukhovsky, who abruptly stopped the panic in the ranks of their soldiers and quickly put them in a fighting mood.
The third most recent story about the Battle of Kulikovo found a place on the sheets of the 1st Sofia and (with almost similar text) the 4th Novgorod Chronicle. Both of them go back to a common protograph - the Novgorod-Sophia arch of the 30s. XV century But at the same time, the manuscript of the 1st Sofia Chronicle is dated by specialists to 1481. At least, it was completed in this year. The original Novgorod 4th is even later. It is clear that there is no need to talk about any living witnesses to the battle of 1380.
A hundred years have passed, and the name of Sergius of Radonezh is mentioned for the first time in the chronicles. But not at all in the context in which current apologists associate him with the Kulik: “And then a letter from Reverend Abbot Sergius from the holy elder, blessed." But there was no so touchingly described visit by Grand Duke Dmitry, the future Donskoy, to the Trinity-Sergius Monastery in August 1380 and his receipt of personal blessings and parting words from the abbot, Elder Sergius, in the chronicle source. there was a written wish for good luck (if you went, then go to the end, and may they help you...), which arrived on the Don on September 6, 1380, two days before the battle.
All of the above-mentioned works of the Kulikovo cycle relate to the subject of history, but the next monument in the cycle is literature. "Zadonshchina" is a poetic work based on the motif and style of "The Lay of Igor's Campaign." The authorship of this work is associated with the name of Zephanius of Ryazan.
The name of Sergius of Radonezh is not mentioned there at all.
Actually ancient list"Zadonshchina" there are marks of either the author or the copyist, dates: 1470, 1475, 1483. and even an indication that on September 8, 6988, the Battle of Kulikovo “100 years had passed.” That is, for the reader the plot is covered, if not with a haze of fog, then with a certain veil of a long past time. Like the Russian-Japanese War for us. And readers of the late 15th century. They knew, of course, about the fact of the Battle of Kulikovo, but the details were no longer available to them.
Another period of time passed, and on the basis of the “Zadonshchina” at the beginning of the 16th century. a prosaic literary text “The Tale of the Massacre of Mamaev” appeared. Here the author already introduces a lot of fantasies and new collisions into the plot, helping to maintain intrigue in his novel. This is where Sergius of Radonezh already blesses Dmitry Donskoy in full: both verbally in the Trinity Monastery and in writing on the Don. This is where everyone who now speaks passionately about the great old man’s blessing of the Grand Duke draws inspiration from. Agree, in everyday life it looks quite strange and even absurd to try to take episodes of a literary plot at face value, and even earnestly convince others of this.
With the light hand of Karamzin, the thesis about the spiritual participation of Sergius of Radonezh in preparing the campaign against the Tatars was established. He literally wrote the following lines: “...Dimitri, having arranged the regiments for the march, wanted with his brother Vladimir Andreevich, with all the princes and governors, to accept the blessing of Sergius, the abbot of the distant Trinity monastery... Chroniclers say that he predicted a terrible bloodshed for Dimitri, but victory is the death of many Orthodox heroes, but the salvation of the Grand Duke begged him to dine in the monastery, sprinkled holy water on all the military leaders who were with him and gave him two monks as associates, Alexander Peresvet and Oslyabya, of whom the first was once a boyar of Bryansk and a courageous knight. Sergius handed them the sign of the cross on the schema and said: “Here is an incorruptible weapon! May it serve you instead of helmets!..”
It is known that in his work Karamzin actually retold the contents of the Synodal 365th and Nikon Chronicles, in some places rounding it off literary, and in others sharpening it storyline. If you look into the said Synodal Chronicle, which, by the way, was written quite late, in the middle of the 16th century, it is easy to find that the article under 1380 has been replaced by the above-mentioned “The Tale of the Massacre of Mamaev.” Which is what Karamzin quoted.
Hagiographic test
The author of the “Tale” lived, after all, in the Middle Ages, and therefore would hardly have dared to handle facts from the biography of the saint so freely. Sergius of Radonezh. He, of course, could come up with details, but the texture had to remain canonical, otherwise he would not escape the speedy execution of a church court. And the author of the “Tale” actually gleaned the basis for the meeting of the venerable elder with the Grand Duke in the life of Sergius of Radonezh, compiled by Pachomius the Serb.
The original life of St. Sergius of Radonezh was created in 1418-1419. monk Epiphanius. It is clear from the text that Epiphanius, being a monk of the Trinity Monastery, personally knew Sergius, at least during the last twenty years of his life, from the 60s. before 1392
While working on his life, Epiphanius simultaneously placed biographical information about Sergius of Radonezh in the chronicle he himself compiled (its modern name is Trinity, after the place of creation). His texts are important because, knowing Sergius personally, he could not exaggerate both the main character traits of the Rev. and some important events monastic life. Moreover, the readers of the life were living students and tonsures of the Venerable. Sergius. In the Life of Epiphanius there is no episode with the blessing of Dmitry Donskoy.
It is not found in the earlier work of Epiphanius, “The Word of Praise to Our Reverend Father Sergius.” It was written on the occasion of the consecration of the new cathedral church on September 25, 1412, on the 20th anniversary of the death of the Reverend. And if there had been a blessing for the battle with the Tatars, then Epiphanius, as a witness to this powerful patriotic gesture on the part of Sergius of Radonezh, would, without a doubt, highlight this fact in praise of the elder. But no!
In 1432-1445. Epiphanius's work underwent significant revision, which was carried out by the Serbian hagiographer Pachomius Logofet, a native of Mount Athos. In the three Pachomius editions that have come down to us, the historical flavor is emasculated and replaced by moralizing commonplaces with many borrowings from the lives of eastern saints. In the lives of Pachomius, we read that Dmitry Donskoy, going to battle with Mamai, says to St. Sergius: “if God helps us with prayers yours, then when I come, I will build a church in the name of our Most Pure Lady Theotokos of the Honorable Dormition, and I will build a monastery for a common life.” Below we read that after the victory at Kuliki, Sergius “summoned the great prince and founded a church, and soon built a church in the name of the Most Pure One on Dubenka and established a common life.”
The Dormition Dubensky Monastery really existed and was located approximately 50 km northeast of Moscow, near the village of Stromyn, near the now widely known Chernogolovka.
In the already mentioned Trinity Chronicle under 6887 (that is, under 1379) it is written: “That same summer, Abbot Sergius, venerable elder, built a church in the name of the Holy Mother of God of Her Honorable Assumption<...>on the river on Dubenka on Stromyn and mnihi together... And the church was consecrated the same autumn month of December on 1 day in memory of the holy prophet Naum. This monastery was built by Sergius by order of the great Prince Dmitry Ivanovich."
It is not indicated here that the Assumption Dubensky Monastery was erected precisely in honor of the victory on the Kulikovo Field. But the time of the consecration of his cathedral church is firmly indicated - December 1, 1379. Ten months before the battle on Kuliki!
Meanwhile, the Trinity Chronicle was included in the chronicle code of 1409, in other words, from that time on it was available for reading. That is, at a time when witnesses to the events of 1380 were still alive. It is clear that Pachomius the Serb, who became acquainted with it 20 years later, creatively revised the above text in the direction he needed. But he did not take into account that the Battle of Kulikovo took place on September 8, the day of the Nativity of the Virgin Mary. After all, it is absolutely clear that the votive monastery in this case should be dedicated to the Nativity, and not to the Dormition of the Virgin Mary, which is celebrated on August 15. For example, the Bobrenev Monastery near Kolomna, built at the expense of the hero of the Battle of Kulikovo, voivode Dmitry Bobrok, was named in honor of the Nativity of the Virgin Mary.
It should also be noted in passing that Peresvet and Oslyabya were buried in the Simonov Monastery in the church, by the way, also in honor of the Nativity of the Virgin Mary. Again, it is quite obvious that if they were inhabitants of the Trinity-Sergius Monastery, they would have been interred at their place of residence.
Church-historical test
In fact, one should not dive deeply into textual criticism and hagiography, which are too specialized and boring for the general reader. It is enough to look at the more dynamic pages of Russian church history.
The “Tale of the Massacre of Mamaev” states that, having received the blessing of Sergius of Radonezh, Dmitry Ivanovich arrived in Moscow. He prayed fervently in the Kremlin, in the Archangel Cathedral and received a blessing for the campaign against the Tatars from the Metropolitan of All Rus' Cyprian.
N.M. Karamzin, diligently rewriting the Legend, nevertheless threw out this episode from his History. Because he knew very well: in 1380, Metropolitan Cyprian was not and could not be in Moscow. Moreover, Dmitry Donskoy would never ask for his blessing.
Since 1355, Metropolitan Alexy was the formally ruling bishop in Rus'. But he was not recognized in the so-called Lithuanian Rus' (Kyiv, Smolensk) and in Tver, which competes with Moscow. In 1375, the Patriarch of Constantinople ordained the local church leader Cyprian as Metropolitan of All Rus'. Under the living and active Metropolitan Alexy. True, he was already 83 years old, and the Greeks hoped that he would not have much time left, and Cyprian, far from Moscow’s influence, would be able to unite the entire Russian metropolitanate.
They hoped in vain, because Dmitry Ivanovich had his own candidate - Bishop Mikhail, who was pro-Moscow and personally owed everything to the Grand Duke.
Alexy died on February 12, 1378. From that moment on, an open struggle between two factions began in the Russian church. One of them supported Cyprian, the other supported Michael, who, by order of Dmitry Ivanovich, was elevated to the rank of metropolitan by a council of Russian bishops. The most active supporters of Cyprian were the abbot of the Trinity Monastery Sergius of Radonezh and his nephew the abbot of the Simonov Monastery Theodore. It was with them that Cyprian, who was in Kyiv, corresponded.
Cyprian decided to act offensively and left for Moscow without a princely invitation. In the first message that has reached us to Sergius and Theodore, dated June 3, 1378, Cyprian writes: “... I’m going to see my son, the great prince, in Moscow... You will be ready to see us, where you can tell your fortune yourself.”
Dmitry ordered not to allow the uninvited guest to enter Moscow. His people treated the Metropolitan quite rudely: they punched him, robbed him and sent him back to Kyiv. In addition, the Grand Duke ordered the interception of the monks sent by Sergius and Theodore to communicate with Cyprian - “your ambassadors have been sent out” - as stated in Cyprian’s 2nd letter to the same addressees. In this message dated June 23, 1378, Cyprian anathematized Grand Duke Dmitry, the future Donskoy, his boyars and Metropolitan Michael. Thus, they were all excommunicated.
The answer of Sergius of Radonezh and Theodore Simonovsky to Metropolitan Cyprian, unfortunately, has not reached us. But the fact that he was very favorable for Cyprian can be judged by the 3rd letter to these persons dated October 18, 1378: “You have great humility and obedience and love for the saints.” God's Church and to our humility, I learned everything from your words. And as you obey our humility, so strengthen yourself.”
Sergius of Radonezh and the circle of his interlocutors and co-conspirators from monasteries near Moscow, without a doubt, supported the anathematization of the Grand Duke.
In the summer of the following 1379, the struggle between church factions intensified. The most authoritative supporter of Cyprian (and student of Sergius of Radonezh!) Bishop of Suzdal and Nizhny Novgorod Dionysius, the only bishop who dared to oppose the will of the Grand Duke, set out to go to Constantinople to ask the patriarch for help there. Dmitry Ivanovich ordered to put him under arrest. Dionysius turned to the Grand Duke with a request: “Loosen me and let me go, so that I may live according to my will. But I will not go to Constantinople without your word. And with that, I entrust to you all the lieutenant of Elder Abbot Sergius.”
That is, Sergius of Radonezh, whose moral authority, despite all his opposition to the Grand Duke, still meant something in the mind of Dmitry Donskoy, gave his word that Dionysius would not go to Constantinople and would not tell there about the excommunication of the Moscow ruler from the church. Dionysius was released, and he... "fled to Constantinople."
The Nikon Chronicle under July 1379 shows the reaction of Dmitry Donskoy: “And there was sadness about this for the Grand Duke... and indignation at Dionysius, and also at the Reverend Abbot Sergius...”
* * *
From the above it is clear that the relationship between Dmitry Donskoy and Sergius of Radonezh, which developed before the Battle of Kulikovo, was not such as to ask for and receive a blessing. In the XIV century. this was clear to everyone. But the XV and XVI centuries. the need arose to impose a sacred sanction on the actions of secular power. Whether this was connected with the completion of the collection of Russian lands and the development of the idea of “Moscow – the third Rome” or with the final liberation of the Tatars from power is now difficult to say. However, it is clear that the emergence of the legend about the blessing of Dmitry by St. Sergius is a vivid example of great state PR, which continues to work successfully today.
Almost all graduates of Russian schools know: before going to the Kulikovo Field, Dmitry Ivanovich Moskovsky went north, to the Trinity Monastery. The purpose of such a maneuver seems to be clear to everyone: the prince went to receive the blessing of Sergius of Radonezh for his feat. And even those who do not remember other details of the battle will undoubtedly tell you that before this battle there was a duel between the monk Peresvet, sent by the holy elder to support the Moscow prince, with a certain Chelubey.
At the same time, as a rule, few people think about why Dmitry Donskoy, who was in a hurry to meet the enemy in order to prevent the unification of Mamai’s troops with the army of the Lithuanian prince Jagiello, headed in the diametrically opposite direction. The illogicality of such actions by Dmitry Ivanovich is obvious: from Moscow to Kolomna (where the meeting of the detachments that marched on the Kulikovo Field was scheduled) is 103 kilometers in a straight line; from Moscow to the Trinity Monastery is 70 kilometers, and from Trinity to Kolomna is another 140 kilometers. Thus, the “hurrying” Grand Duke of Moscow decided to more than double his journey, which now, by the standards of that time, should have been at least two weeks! It is difficult to explain this logically. Of course, one can accept the point of view of the once famous innovative teacher Viktor Fedorovich Shatalov, who once convinced schoolchildren that by doing this Dmitry wanted to mislead the enemy. But then it is necessary, at the very least, to come up with a way by which in the 14th century Mamai and Jagiello could promptly receive news about the strange movements of the Moscow prince. And this is really difficult...
The strangeness, however, does not end there. It also remains unclear what made Dmitry Ivanovich strive to receive the blessing of Sergius, and not his nephew Theodore, abbot of the Simonov Monastery, which was located very close by (next to the modern Avtozavodskaya metro station)? And how could one hope for the blessing of Sergius or Theodore, if just two years earlier they, apparently, supported Metropolitan Alexei, who was in conflict with Dmitry because of the latter’s desire to install his close associate Mitya at any cost as metropolis -Mikhail? After all, it was to them, to Sergius and Theodore, that the next, “legitimate” Metropolitan Cyprian addressed: “It has not been hidden from you and from the entire Christian race how they treated me, as no saint has been treated since the Russian the earth became. I, by the will of God and the election of the great and holy council and the installation of the ecumenical patriarch, was appointed metropolitan over the entire Russian land, about which the whole universe knows. And now I went with all sincerity and goodwill to the great prince (Dmitry Ivanovich. - I. D). I, more worried about his dishonor and soul, took a different path, relying on my sincerity and on my love, which I had for the great prince, and for his princess, and for his children. He assigned me a tormentor, the damned Nicephorus. And is there any evil left that he did not inflict on me? Blashes and abuses, ridicule, robbery, hunger! He imprisoned me naked and hungry at night. And after that cold night I still suffer. My servants - in addition to the much and evil that was done to them, releasing them on broken nags without saddles, in clothes made of bast - were taken out of the city, robbed, down to their shirts, and to their pants, and to their underpants; neither boots nor hats were left on them!
This message, dated June 23, 1378, concludes with a curse: “But since I and my holiness have been subjected to such dishonor, by the power of the grace given to me from the Most Holy and Life-Giving Trinity, according to the rules of the holy fathers and divine apostles, those who were involved in my detention, imprisonment, dishonor and desecration, and those who gave advice on this, may they be excommunicated and unblessed by me, Cyprian, Metropolitan of All Rus', and cursed, according to the rules of the saints fathers!" 1 In other words, according to most researchers, Dmitry Ivanovich was then excommunicated and cursed 2. True, neither Sergius nor Theodore supported Cyprian at that moment. As V.A. Kuchkin notes, "at the moment of the decisive clash between the Moscow Grand Duke and the metropolitan appointed in Constantinople, they did not have the courage to stand up for their spiritual ruler and condemn the secular ruler, but Sergius (unlike Fedor) did not change his principled line, a few months later he vouched for Dionysius." 3 Nevertheless, all this makes the blessing of Dmitry by Abbot Sergius problematic.
What really happened in the late summer of 1380? Can we establish this? And, most importantly, to understand whether Sergius of Radonezh really played almost the decisive role in the speech of Dmitry of Moscow against Mamai?
To answer these questions, we must turn to historical sources that brought to us information about those events.
For many decades, ancient Russian scribes repeatedly turned to the battle that took place in 1380 on the Kulikovo Field. Over time, his descriptions acquired more and more new details, so that approximately by the middle of the 15th century they acquired a form that fully corresponds to the current “average” ideas about the Massacre of Mamaev. The sources combined into the so-called monuments of the Kulikovo cycle include chronicle stories, “Zadonshchina”, “The Tale of the Massacre of Mamayev”, as well as “The Tale of the Life and Death of Dmitry Ivanovich”.
The history of these monuments is built, for the most part, on the basis of textual observations. However, the relationships between the texts of these sources are so complex that they do not allow us to come to clear conclusions. Therefore, the dating of individual works of this cycle is approximate.
The earliest are the texts of the chronicle story about the Battle of Kulikovo. They have been preserved in two editions: short (as part of the Simeonov Chronicle, the Rogozh Chronicle and the Moscow Academic List of the Suzdal Chronicle) and lengthy (as part of the Sofia First and Novgorod Fourth Chronicles). Nowadays it is generally accepted that the short edition, which appeared approximately at the end of the 14th - beginning of the 15th century, preceded all other narratives about the Battle of Kulikovo. The lengthy edition of the chronicle narrative, which, according to most researchers, could have appeared no earlier than the 1440s 4, was clearly influenced by later texts. These include, in particular, “Zadonshchina”. The arguments cited by researchers trying to determine the time of appearance of this poetic description of the Mamaev Massacre include all conceivable arguments, up to the recognition of the “emotional perception of events” as evidence in favor of its creation by a “contemporary, and possibly a participant” in the battle 5 . On the other hand, the most recent dates place its text in the middle - second half of the 15th century.
The latest and at the same time the most extensive monument of the Kulikovo cycle is, according to general opinion, “The Tale of the Massacre of Mamaev.” It is known in approximately one hundred and fifty copies, none of which preserved the original text. The dates of the "Tales" range from the end of the 14th - first half of the 15th century 6 to the 1530-1540s 7 . Apparently, the most conclusive dating is that proposed by V. A. Kuchkin and clarified by B. M. Kloss. According to it, the “Legend” appeared no earlier than 1485, most likely in the second decade of the 16th century 8. Accordingly, the reliability of the information given in the “Tale” gives rise to serious disputes.
Turning to these sources gives a fairly complete idea of when and why ancient Russian scribes “remembered” that it was Sergius of Radonezh who inspired Dmitry Donskoy to fight the “godless, evil Orda prince” Mamai.
In the earliest narrative “about the warrior and the massacre on the Don” we do not find any mention of the name Sergius.<…>At the same time, “Alexander Peresvt” is mentioned among those who fell on the battlefield, although there is no indication yet that he was a monk. And it is unlikely that a monk would be mentioned with the non-calendar name Peresvet.
The text of the poetic story about the Battle of Mamayev, usually called “Zadonshchina,” is much less often used to reconstruct the circumstances of the battle at the mouth of the Nepryadva. But it was here that Peresvet was first called “monk” and “elder” - however, only in later copies of the 17th century, which obviously were influenced by “The Tale of the Massacre of Mamaev”; before that he was simply a “Bryansk boyar”. Oslyabya appears next to him - and also with a pagan, non-calendar name, which a monk could not be called.<…>As the publishers rightly note, Oslyabi’s appeal to Peresvet as a brother emphasizes that both of them are monks. However, the monastery of which they allegedly were tonsured is not named here.
The first mention of Sergius of Radonezh in connection with the Battle of Kulikovo is found in a lengthy chronicle story: two days before the battle, Dmitry Ivanovich allegedly “received a letter from the Venerable Abbot Sergius and a blessing from the holy elder; in it the following blessing is written, ordering him to fight from Totara: “So that You, sir, have gone, and God and the Holy Mother of God will help you." 11 We find in this story the name of Alexander Peresvet with a new clarification: "formerly the boyar Bryansky." 12 But the name Oslyabi is not here, and there is no mention of that Peresvet is now a monk.
One can only guess how the message of Sergius, which is discussed here, fell into the hands of Dmitry Donskoy. A striking example Such guesses, based, obviously, only on the “feeling of the heart”, which is resorted to by some authors who try to “guess what considerations of reason do not answer” 13, are the reasoning of A. L. Nikitin. In his opinion, the only envoy who could deliver Sergius’ letter to the Grand Duke was Alexander Peresvet. The basis for such a guess is a whole series of assumptions and assumptions, none of which is based on sources known to us: here is the assumption that Dmitrievsky Ryazhsky monastery could have been based precisely on the place where the Moscow prince was caught up with the message of Sergius of Radonezh, and the fact that Dmitry Ivanovich himself could have ended up in this place, since he “followed the initial report of the scouts that the Horde were in the upper reaches of the Tsna,” and that Peresvet could sent by Prince Dmitry Olgerdovich, and Peresvet himself could travel from Pereslavl, and on the way he “could not help but spend the night” in the Trinity Monastery, where he - “quite naturally” - the abbot “could give ... a “letter” to the Moscow prince.” However, the author of these speculative constructions himself concludes, “I do not insist that this is exactly what happened, but this is the only possible explanation of the fact that Peresvet turned out to be so closely connected by tradition with St. Sergius, and the military feat of the Bryansk boyar acquired a truly epic proportions." Only in this way, according to this author, “the hesitation of the authors and editors of the stories about the Kulikovo battle between the “monk”, “monk” and “boyar” becomes understandable, since - following the logic - who, if not his monk, could Sergius send to the Grand Duke " 14 . However, such constructions are unlikely to have any relation to science: the number of “possibilities” here is inversely proportional to the degree of reliability of the results obtained.
The detailed story that is familiar to us about Dmitry Ivanovich’s visit to the Trinity Abbot appears only in “The Tale of the Massacre of Mamaev,” more than a hundred years after the famous battle<…>In this story, Sergius justifies Dmitry’s delay associated with his arrival at the monastery, and predicts a quick victory over the enemy, who - unexpectedly - turns out to be some “Polovtsians”. And Peresvet and Oslyabya are no longer just monks, but schema-monks who have taken the “third tonsure” - the great schema (which, by the way, forbade them to take up arms). Dmitry Ivanovich, according to the "Legend", does not immediately go to Kolomna, but first stops by Moscow to inform Metropolitan Cyprian (who in fact could not be in Moscow at that time) about the blessing of Sergius of Radonezh - which further delays his speech on approaching enemy. Moreover, from the further narration it follows that already on the Kulikovo field the prince was caught up with a certain “ambassador with books” from Sergius of Radonezh. What made the author of the “Tale” retreat from what we call a reliable story and assign such a large role to Sergius of Radonezh (and at the same time to Metropolitan Cyprian)?
Apparently, all these additions are connected primarily with the time when “The Legend” was written - when, after the liquidation of Novgorod’s independence in 1478, Ivan III annexed not only the lands of the Novgorod boyars, but also part of the land holdings of the Novgorod church. These actions of the Moscow prince alerted church representatives. In the same year, a conflict arose between Ivan III and Metropolitan Gerontius over the management of the Kirillo-Belozersky Monastery. In 1479, the Grand Duke accused the Metropolitan of incorrectly performing the religious procession during the consecration of the Assumption Cathedral (went against the movement of the sun), but the Metropolitan did not admit his mistake. Then Ivan III forbade him to consecrate new churches in Moscow. Gerontius went to the Simonov Monastery and threatened that he would not return if the Grand Duke did not “finish him with his forehead.” The Grand Duke, who had just with difficulty eliminated the rebellion of his brothers - the appanage princes, had to maneuver. He needed the support of the church, and therefore was forced to send his son to negotiate with the metropolitan. Gerontius, however, was firm in his position. Ivan III he had to retreat: he promised to listen to the metropolitan in the future and not to interfere in the affairs of the church.
The ideological basis for building new relations with the state for the church was the precedent of Dmitry Donskoy’s attempt to install his protege, Mitya-Mikhail, in the metropolitan see, which is why the conflict with Cyprian occurred, which we mentioned at the very beginning of the article. For this purpose, the “Tale of Mityai” was included in the chronicles of the 1470-1480s, which condemned the interference of secular authorities in issues that were the prerogative of the church. At the same time, the church made every effort to emphasize its role in the fight against the Horde in the eyes of contemporaries and descendants. That is why the legendary episodes about the blessing of Dmitry Donskoy by Sergius of Radonezh and the sending of two “monks” to battle: Oslyaby and Peresvet were inserted into “The Tale of the Massacre of Mamaev.” Thus, Sergius of Radonezh became not only the organizer of the monastic reform, which played a huge role in raising the authority of the church in general and monasteries in particular, but also the inspirer of the victory of the Moscow prince on the Kulikovo Field.
Notes
1. Message of Metropolitan Cyprian to Abbots Sergius and Theodore // Library of Literature of Ancient Rus'. T.b. XIV - mid-XV centuries. St. Petersburg 1999. pp. 413, 423.
2. 6otherwise, according to T.R. Galimov, the issue of Metropolitan Cyprian’s excommunication of Dmitry Ivanovich Donskoy requires additional study.
See: Galimov T.R. Question about the excommunication of Dmitry Ivanovich Donskoy from the Church by the second letter of Metropolitan Cyprian.
3. Kuchkin V. A. Sergius of Radonezh // Questions of history. 1992. No. 10. P. 85.
4. Sometimes its dating is “rejuvenated” to the middle of the 15th century. See: Orlov A. S. Literary sources of the Tale of Mamayev’s Massacre // Proceedings of the Department ancient Russian literature. T. 2. M.; L. 1935. S. 157-162; cf.: Dictionary of scribes and
bookishness of Ancient Rus'. Part 2. Issue. 2. Second half of the XIV-XVI centuries. L. 1989. P. 245.
5. Dmitriev L. A. Literary history of monuments of the Kulikovo cycle // Legends and stories about the Battle of Kulikovo. L. 1982. S. 311, 327-330.
6. Grekov I.B. About the original version of “The Tale of the Massacre of Mamaev” // Soviet Slavonic Studies. 1970. No. b.
pp. 27-36; It's him. Eastern Europe and the decline of the Golden Horde. M. 1975. S. 316-317, 330-332,431-442; Azbelev S. N. The Tale of the Battle of Kulikovo in the Novgorod Chronicle of Dubrovsky // Chronicles and Chronicles: Sat. articles. 1973. M. 1974. S. 164-172; It's him. 06 oral sources of chronicle texts: Based on the material of the Kulikovo cycle//Chronicles and Chronicles: Sat. articles. 1976. M. 1976. P. 78-101; It's him. 06 oral sources of chronicle texts: Based on the Kulikovo cycle // Chronicles and chronicles. Sat. articles. 1980. M. 1981. P. 129-146, etc.
7. Mingalev V.S. “The Legend of Mamaev’s Massacre” and its sources//Author's abstract. dis.... cand. ist. Sci. M.; Vilnius. 1971. pp. 12-13.
8. V. A. Kuchkin proceeds from the mention in the “Legend” of the Konstantin-Eleninsky Gate of the Moscow Kremlin, which until 1490 was called Timofeevsky. See: Kuchkin V.A. Victory on the Kulikovo Field // Questions of history. 1980. No. 8.
P. 7; It's him. Dmitry Donskoy and Sergius of Radonezh on the eve of the Battle of Kulikovo // Church, society and state in feudal Russia: Sat. articles. M. 1990. pp. 109-114. B. M. Kloss attributes the “Legend” to Bishop Mitrofan of Kolomna and dates the monument to 1513-1518. See: Kloss B. M. 06 author and time of creation of “The Tale of Mamaev’s Massacre” // 1п memoriam: Collection of memory of Ya. S. Lurie. St. Petersburg 1997. pp. 259-262.
9. Rogozhsky chronicler//PSRL. T. 15. M. 2000. Stlb. 139.
10. Zadonshchina // Library of literature of Ancient Rus'. T. 6. P. 112.
11. Novgorod fourth chronicle//PSRL. T. 4. 4.1. M. 2000. P. 316; cf.: Sofia’s first chronicle, senior edition//PSRL.
T. 6. Issue. 1. M. 2000. Stlb. 461.
12. Novgorod fourth chronicle. P. 321; Wed: First Sophia Chronicle. Stb. 467.
13. Khitrov M. Preface//Grand Duke Alexander Nevsky. St. Petersburg 1992. P. 10.
14. Nikitin A. L. The feat of Alexander Peresvet/Dermeneutics of Old Russian literature of the X-XVI centuries. Sat. 3. M. 1992.
pp. 265-269. Italics are mine throughout. - I.D.
15. That is, it was hard.
16. “This delay of yours will turn into double help for you. For it is not now, my lord, that you will wear the mortal crown, but in a few years, and for many others the crowns are now being woven.”
17. That is, we met more than one attack.
18. The Legend of the Massacre of Mamaev // Library of Literature of Ancient Rus'. T. 6. P. 150, 152.
19. Ibid. P. 174.
Many people know that in the Battle of Kulikovo in 1380, which marked the beginning of the liberation of Rus' from the Horde yoke, two monks played a large role in the success of the Russian army - Alexander Peresvet and Andrei Oslyabya. But not everyone knows that the course of the famous battle between Peresvet and Chelubey has several assessments and interpretations.
Defenders of the Motherland from the Bryansk Boyars
Presumably, both monks came from Bryansk boyars and were famous for their military skill. Perhaps Alexander Peresvet became a monk in the Rostov Boris and Gleb Monastery, and later he ended up with Oslyabya, who took the name of Andrei, in the Trinity-Sergius Monastery and became a student of the famous Radonezh miracle worker.
The Monk Sergius of Radonezh blessed both monks before: “And he gave them, instead of a perishable weapon, an incorruptible one - the cross of Christ, sewn on the schemas, and commanded them to place it on themselves instead of gilded helmets.”
Divine Intercession
The Battle of Kulikovo Field was supposed to be and became the decisive clash between Rus' and the Horde, which ruled over the Russian lands for almost a century and a half. The Great Campaign against the Horde was sanctified by the spiritual authority of the “abbot of the Russian land” - St. Sergius. It was to him that Grand Duke Dmitry Ivanovich went to the Trinity Monastery on the eve of the battle with Mamai. Sergius of Radonezh not only blessed the prince for the battle, but also predicted a victory that turned the Moscow ruler into a great historical figure - in.
A visible image of divine intercession should have been the presence in the Moscow army of the Trinity monastic warriors - Peresvet and Oslyabi, sent on a campaign by Sergius. The news of their participation brought additional calm to the Russian army. The battle between Peresvet and Chelubey brought even greater calm. It was a ritual “duel of heroes,” the result of which was regarded by both sides as a sign that predicted the outcome of the entire battle.
Died for a just cause
There are several versions of the battle between Peresvet and Chelubey. According to one of them, both opponents, on horses and with spears, collided with each other and fell to the ground dead. According to another story, Chelubey used a trick: his spear turned out to be longer than required. Thanks to this trick, the enemy was immediately knocked out of the saddle and had no chance of catching the offender. But Alexander Peresvet, knowing this, took off his armor and remained in one schema (a monastic cape with an image of a cross), carrying out the call of St. Sergius to fight with a cross, and not with a sword. As a result, Chelubey’s spear pierced the monk, but thanks to this, Peresvet was able to get close to the Horde, reach him and kill him. He fell from the saddle, and the mortally wounded monk managed to reach his own people and only there gave up the ghost. The sacrificial feat of Alexander Peresvet inspired the army of Dmitry Donskoy to success.
According to one legend, Andrei Oslyabya also died in the battle on the Kulikovo Field. They said that the monk was the first to rush into battle after the death of Peresvet. He carried the wounded Prince Dmitry aside under a birch tree, where he was found after the battle.
Canonized
Alexander Peresvet and Andrei Oslyabya were buried in Moscow next to the Church of the Nativity Holy Mother of God in Stary Simonovo. Both warrior monks are canonized as saints by the Russian Orthodox Church. Their memory is celebrated on September 7 (20).
The story of the two monks became a vivid illustration of the active and fruitful participation of the Orthodox Church in the life of the country. The memory of this victory of the Russian troops is also preserved thanks to the implementation of projects of the Russian Military Historical Society. In particular, the Tula branch of the Russian Military Historical Society is doing a lot of work to preserve the historical landscape of the Kulikovo Field.
Did Sergius of Radonezh bless Dmitry Donskoy?
Dmitry Volodikhin about the Battle of Kulikovo.
A number of modern historians claim that there was and could not be any blessing from the prince for the battle.
And it is difficult to call their conviction in this purely scientific. It is very uncomfortable for some to admit the role of the Church in the victory on the Kulikovo Field. So was it a blessing?
The Battle of Kulikovo Field is one of the key events in Russian history. It was included in textbooks, monographs, painting and literature. And almost always the story about the great campaign of Prince Dmitry Ivanovich to the Don is accompanied by a story about how the Moscow ruler received the blessing of Sergius of Radonezh. This short but majestic story is familiar to millions of people. They love him, they hold him close to their hearts, they remember him with a warm smile.
And in late Soviet times a hypothesis appears: all this is fiction, a “church legend.” Which, in essence, means “priestly nonsense.” Yes Yes exactly. Words like these are not spoken or written, but they are implied. The form in which the idea of the hypothesis was expressed is purely scientific, but its essence, its deep essence, is very far from science. I would like to remind you of one circumstance. The strongest supporter of this view, Vladimir Kuchkin, published an article “On the role of Sergius of Radonezh in the preparation of the Battle of Kulikovo” on the pages of the collection “Questions of Scientific Atheism” (1988).
Since then, a purely scientific, at first glance, polemic has always and invariably been mixed with a dull subtext associated with faith and atheism.
A trip to the forest monastery
The Tale of the Massacre of Mamaev tells about the visit of the Moscow sovereign to the Sergius Monastery.
Trinity-Sergius Lavra. E. Lissner. 1907
Grand Duke Dmitry Ivanovich, shortly before the departure of the troops on the campaign against Mamai, went with Prince Vladimir Andreevich of Serpukhov to bow to Sergius of Radonezh. The ruler wanted to receive a blessing from the abbot of the forest monastery before a difficult and dangerous task. Sergius begged the prince to defend the Liturgy, and then to share the meal. The prince, in confusion, asked Sergius to let him go, “for messengers came to him that the filthy Tatars were already approaching.” But he detained Dmitry Ivanovich, saying: “This delay of yours will turn into double obedience for you. For it is not now, my lord, that you will wear the crown of death, but in a few years, and for many others the crowns are now being woven.” The prince did not dare to disobey, he ate the monastery bread. Then Sergius “... sprinkled him with sacred water and all his Christ-loving army and overshadowed the Grand Duke with the cross of Christ - a sign on his forehead.” Then he said to Dmitry Ivanovich: “Go, sir, against the filthy Polovtsy, calling on God, and the Lord God will be your helper and intercessor.” And he added quietly: “You will defeat, sir, your adversaries, as befits you, our sovereign.”
At that time, Polovtsians, out of old memory, sometimes called the Horde people.
Dmitry Ivanovich asked the abbot for two warriors from the monastic brethren - Alexander Peresvet and his brother Andrei Oslyabya. Sergius called both of them to him and ordered them to go with Dmitry Ivanovich, “for they were famous warriors in battles, they met more than one attack.” The monk gave them “...instead of a perishable weapon, an incorruptible one - the cross of Christ, sewn on the schema, and commanded them to place it on themselves instead of gilded helmets.” Returning from the Trinity Monastery to Moscow, Dmitry Ivanovich went to Metropolitan Cyprian and told about Sergius’ blessing. He ordered to keep everything he heard secret. During the battle, the schema-monk Peresvet met with the Horde hero Chelubey, and both fell, inflicting fatal blows on each other with spears...
A detailed story about how the Grand Duke of Moscow received the blessing of St. Sergius is found in only one source on the history of the Battle of Kulikovo. This, as already mentioned, is “The Tale of the Massacre of Mamaev.” There is nothing like this in the chronicles. It is unknown when “The Tale” was created. Most historians are inclined to believe that from the victory of 1380 to the time when this literary work arose, there are a hundred, or even a hundred and fifty years. Simply put, this is a late monument. And therefore it raises doubts: to what extent is the memory of ancient events distorted in him? To what extent can one look for the truth of fact in it, and not fiction?
Critical view
Many doubted the reliability of the “Legend...” In addition to the already mentioned Kuchkin, these are Vadim Egorov and Igor Danilevsky.
They put forward many arguments. Some arguments are facile, but others deserve close attention.
So, for example, how could Dmitry Ivanovich talk in Moscow with Metropolitan Cyprian in the summer of 1380, if he himself had expelled him two years earlier? The circumstances of Cyprian's ordination raised doubts about his canonicity. Instead, Pimen took the metropolitan see, and he did it through fraud, and therefore he was not accepted in Moscow as a legitimate metropolitan. Another thing is more important: Pimen, who was ordained by the Patriarch of Constantinople, did not have time to reach Muscovite Rus' by the time preparations began before going to Mamaia. In other words, Moscow did not have any metropolitan at that time.
But perhaps the conversation took place in 1378, when Cyprian came to Moscow for a short time. Then Sergius’ blessing refers not to the eve of the Battle of Kulikovo, but to the eve of another, not so significant victory over the Horde - on the Vozha River. It happened exactly in 1378.
Could Sergius give a blessing to the Grand Duke when he was in a protracted conflict with the Church? Having expelled Cyprian, Dmitry Ivanovich tried to make his protege, Mikhail-Mityai, metropolitan. Moscow monasticism reacted extremely negatively to him, a “novice in monasticism.” Our monasticism, including Sergius, was ready to accept Cyprian. The Lord did not allow Mikhail-Mityai to take the metropolis: he died on the way to Constantinople, where he was supposed to be ordained. He did not govern the metropolis for a day. It went to Pimen... But the relationship between Sergius and the Grand Duke on the basis of “Mityaevism” seriously deteriorated.
Why is there not a word in the Life of St. Sergius about sending two monks? The blessing is briefly mentioned there, but since the monks Peresvet and Oslyabya are not mentioned, is it worth believing the rest?
Is it permissible for monks, especially schema-monks, to take up arms and shed blood on the battlefield? After this, is it worth believing in the two envoys of Sergius who fought on the Kulikovo field? Maybe Sergius didn’t send them at all? Were they not metropolitan boyars, that is, people who served as warriors or administrators, but had no connection to monasticism?
If you look carefully at the map, won’t it really become clear that Dmitry Ivanovich could not have visited Sergius at the head of the army? After all, the Trinity Monastery is located from Moscow in the exact opposite direction than Kolomna, where the gathering of Russian troops was scheduled! If the Moscow regiments had come to Sergius, they would have increased their route by more than one and a half times. And getting ready for the war required a lot of haste...
Criticism of criticism
Do the arguments of the “critics” camp sound solid? Oh yes, they are impossible to ignore.
But each of them, upon closer examination, looks quite controversial.
It makes sense to go point by point, showing the weaknesses of each.
First of all, in 1380 Dmitry Ivanovich made peace with Cyprian. A few months after the victory over Mamai, the Grand Duke, according to the chronicle, “sent Hegumen Fyodor Simanovsky, his spiritual father, to Kyiv as Metropolitan Cyprian, inviting him to Moscow to join him as Metropolitan.” The chronicle of Cyprian's movements throughout Rus' for 1380 is not known. He, like Pimen, visited Constantinople, after which both returned to Rus'. Cyprian could overtake Pimen and visit Moscow. Even if Cyprian did not reach Moscow, he could enter into correspondence with the Grand Duke and the Moscow clergy, and traces of this correspondence were conveyed, in an altered form, by “The Tale of the Massacre of Mamaev.” In any case, the quick reconciliation immediately after the victory over Mamai shows: most likely, some kind of negotiations between him and Dmitry Ivanovich were conducted even before it; a meeting between them is not so impossible, and the establishment of good relations is very likely.
But in 1378, no dialogue was possible: the “Mityaevism” was in full swing.
Could Sergius bless a ruler who had cruelly offended the Church? Yes, it would be strange to refuse a blessing to the head of the Christian army, going to drink the mortal cup! In fatal moments, only an insignificant person begins to nurse and cherish previous grievances. Is it appropriate to dress St. Sergius in the garb of a nonentity?!
There is no information about the sending of two monks with the Grand Duke in the “Life” ... since no one obliged the compiler of the “Life” to include them there. One cannot expect accuracy from such a monument. This is not a chronicle!
It is inappropriate for monks to fight in mortal combat. However, this is not yet a reason to deny the authenticity of the “Tale...” In the earliest, most reliable chronicle narration of the events of 1380, Alexander Peresvet is named among the noble people who fell on the field. Another chronicle calls him a former Bryansk boyar. It turns out that the hero of the duel with Chelubey was still present in the Russian army. And he did not pray behind the wall of warriors, but he himself fought with the Horde. Nowhere, in any place, is he called a “metropolitan boyar.” But he could well have been a novice at the Trinity Monastery.
In other words, Peresvet and Oslyabya at the time of the Grand Duke’s visit to Sergius may not have yet taken monastic vows, which means they could temporarily throw off their cassocks to put on chain mail.
They also assume something else. In the conditions of the “holy war”, on which the fate of Rus' and Russian Orthodoxy depended, Peresvet could lay down his soul for the sake of his brothers, committing a clear violation of his vows. People are capable of a lot in extreme conditions...
As for the “Christ-loving army” sprinkled by Sergius, no absurdity or inconsistency is visible here either. The “Tale…” does not say at all that the Grand Duke brought with him the entire Moscow squad, and especially all the Russian regiments, to Sergius. But he and Prince Vladimir Andreevich were accompanied by an armed retinue. It was this that the author of the “Tale…” called the Christ-loving army. The main forces at that time did not leave the capital, waiting for Dmitry Ivanovich.
Is the “Legend…” as a whole a late source? Yes, most likely, that's exactly it. But not so late that it could not reflect the memories of the participants in the battle, carefully preserved by their descendants. In addition, its author could have used much earlier chronicles that have not survived to this day.
It remains to conclude: indeed, “The Tale of the Massacre of Mamayev” raises many questions. Including a plot related to the blessing of Sergius. Some of them cannot be answered with strict certainty: historians do not have a time machine, they can only judge ancient times from texts that have survived to this day... And the texts are not always crystal clear. The answers voiced by the “critics” are in themselves just reflections on the more or less probable course of events in 1380. The hypothesis behind them looks weaker than the traditional point of view in many respects.
In short, there is no reason to discount “The Tale of Mamaev’s Massacre” once and for all.
A look from the other side
A well-known specialist in the history of the Russian Middle Ages, Nikolai Borisov several times took up the study of history with the blessing of St. Sergius. In articles and a book dedicated to the founder of the Trinity-Sergius Lavra, the historian showed how deeply he knows the arguments and counter-arguments of both “camps”. The scientist’s final “sentence” sounds like this: “All actions related to the story of Sergius’ blessing fit very clearly into the historical context. Therefore, I am convinced that this story is not an invention of the Trinity monks of the 16th century, but what really happened in the summer of 1380.”
Modern historian Olga Plotnikova notes: in one of the chronicles about the battle on the Kulikovo field, “Dmitry Ivanovich ... is shown as a defender of the Orthodox faith, as well as as the Grand Duke of the entire Russian land. Mamai is shown not only as an invader, but also as a persecutor of Christianity, wanting to destroy Rus' as such... and in the same text we read the blessing of Sergius of Radonezh, received by Dmitry Ivanovich two days before the battle. This emphasizes the godly nature of the battle and the unity of the Russian prince and the Orthodox Church...”
Thus, it is not only the fact that is important - whether there was a blessing or not - but also the broader cultural context around this entire situation. “In history, the blessing of Sergius has become a symbol of the unity of the people, authorities and the Church in the face of an external enemy,” writes Olga Plotnikova. What does it mean? And first of all, the Church as a whole supported Dmitry Ivanovich, who was going against the Horde. And for many generations, the memory of this was kept as a spiritual treasure.
The oldest and most reliable chronicle story about the battle on the Kulikovo field contains a vivid beginning: “The wicked Mamai, who was fiercely angry with Grand Duke Dmitry... gathered with much strength, intending to capture the Russian land. Hearing about this, Grand Duke Dmitry Ivanovich, having gathered many soldiers, went against them, although he wanted to defend his homeland for the holy churches and for the Orthodox Christian faith and for the entire Russian land.” Having defeated the Horde and stood “on the bones,” Dmitry Ivanovich, according to the words of the same chronicle, “thanked God and praised his squad, which fought hard with the foreigners... and dared according to God for the Christian faith...” The obvious Christian background to the actions of the ruler is visible. He acts as the protector of the land, faith and Church.
The same thing is not difficult to see in the ancient epic poem “Zadonshchina”. When preparing to go on a campaign, Dmitry Ivanovich appears as a defender of the faith, and the holy blessed princes Boris and Gleb, his relatives, promote his intentions. This is how “Zadonshchina” talks about it: “The Great Prince... stepped into his golden stirrup, and took his sword into right hand, prayed to God and His Most Pure Mother. The sun shines clearly for him in the east..., and Boris and Gleb offer a prayer for their relatives...” Looking around the squad, the ruler expresses confidence: Russian warriors are ready to “lay down their heads for the Russian land and for the Christian faith.”
One of the chronicles reports that the prince received the blessing, albeit in a different way. A few days before the battle, envoys from Sergius arrived in the Don camp of Dmitry Ivanovich, delivering the “blessed letter”. It said, among other things: “God and the Holy Trinity will help you!”
Thus, Nikolai Borisov is right: the context of the story with the blessing is such that the prince felt himself to be a faithful servant of God, saw the support of the Church and intended to play the role of its protector. A blessing from Sergius in such circumstances seems to be an appropriate and natural step.
***
It remains to summarize. Most likely, Dmitry Ivanovich received the blessing from Sergius in one way or another in 1380. Only “The Tale of the Massacre of Mamayev” tells about this in detail, but there are shorter stories in the “Life” of Sergius and in one of the chronicles. And this in total provides solid support for such a conclusion. Most likely, the former boyar Alexander Peresvet, whether as a novice or a schema-monk, really fought with Chelubey and fell with weapons in his hands.
This means that to this day the history of the Battle of Kulikovo is inextricably linked with the history of the Trinity-Sergius Monastery.
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