Modern Kazakh-Russian relations: historiography of the issue. Kazakhstan and Russia: cold snap chronicle
Prospects for economic and political cooperation
Conclusion
Literature
Economic and political cooperation
History and geography objectively predetermined the special nature of Russian-Kazakh relations. Both states are in the top ten by area largest countries planets. The border between the two countries is over 6,000 km and is one of the longest in the world. Both Russia and Kazakhstan are storehouses of natural resources (oil, gas, metals). Finally, in Kazakhstan, even despite the significant outflow of the Russian-speaking population in the 90s of the last century, one of the largest Russian diasporas lives (up to a third of the republic’s population).
It is no coincidence that in 1992, when starting to develop a foreign policy strategy for the newly independent Kazakh state, President N. Nazarbayev noted the fact that “due to geographical, political, ethnic and other historical factors, relations with Russia are the most important issue for us.” Throughout the 1990s, it was Russian-Kazakh relations that were most intense and, in general, developed without any major upheavals. True, in the 90s, the situation of the Russian-speaking population remained a pressing issue in Russian-Kazakh relations. However, both countries are included in all integration entities created on the ruins of the USSR, and, for example, the Eurasian Economic Community (EurAsEC) was generally created on the initiative of N. Nazarbayev.
The desire to integrate with Russia meets the urgent needs of the young Kazakhstani republic. After all, Kazakhstan is landlocked and located away from world transport corridors. Possessing large oil and gas reserves, the country does not have a developed pipeline system. In this regard, Russia, due to its favorable geographical location, is of interest to its southern neighbor, since it can transport Kazakhstani energy resources at relatively low prices, which it does (about a third of the oil produced in Kazakhstan is exported through Russian territory).
The removal of all customs barriers and obstacles to trade (one of the main conditions of the agreement on the Common Economic Space (CES)) meets the economic interests of the two countries. Russia traditionally buys Kazakh grain. There are about 300 large joint Russian-Kazakh enterprises operating on the territory of Kazakhstan. Number of small joint ventures exceeds 1 thousand. Bilateral trade last year amounted to approximately $5.5 billion. And this is not the limit. At the opening of the Year of Russia in Kazakhstan in January this year. the presidents of both countries promised to double it.
The economic systems of Russia and Kazakhstan are similar in many ways. The difference in GDP per capita is insignificant. The degree of wear and tear of fixed industrial assets is almost the same. The raw materials sector plays a leading role in exports, which causes a high dependence on the global price situation for oil and metals, as well as on the exchange rate of the national currency against the US dollar. So, it is Russian-Kazakh economic integration that is now the most real and relevant.
Without Russian assistance, it is difficult for Kazakhstan to count on successfully solving problems in the field of security and strengthening its defense capability. In turn, Russia is interested in a reliable ally to ensure a stable situation in its “underbelly.” These issues were the focus of attention during the recent visit to Astana of the Secretary of the Russian Security Council V. Rushailo. After making a number of amendments, a plan for cooperation between law enforcement agencies of Russia and Kazakhstan for 2004 in the field of combating organized crime, illegal migration and drug trafficking was approved. Earlier, the Minister of Defense of Kazakhstan M. Altynbaev agreed in Moscow that the republic would buy weapons internally Russian prices. At the beginning of February this year. The parliament of Kazakhstan ratified an agreement on the procedure for the mutual provision of military training grounds for live firing by formations and military units of the air defense forces of the two countries. In addition, Russia trains Kazakh military personnel free of charge. Currently, 786 cadets from Kazakhstan are studying at Russian military universities.
Those. Russia is also strengthening the intellectual potential of Kazakhstan. The level of Russian education, despite everything, has been and remains high. Thousands of Kazakhstani undergraduate and graduate students study at Russian universities. According to bilateral agreements, some of them are trained free of charge, which is not the case even in Kazakhstan. Diplomas from Moscow and St. Petersburg universities are valued in the republic no lower than diplomas from Western educational institutions, where only a few can afford education.
Despite the reduction in the flow of Russian printed publications into the republic during the years of independence, the reading tastes of its residents have remained virtually unchanged. As the Kazinform agency reports, more than four thousand Russian newspapers and magazines are read in Kazakhstan today. The top five most popular Russian print media include “Healthy Lifestyle”, “Arguments and Facts”, “Behind the Wheel”, “Izvestia” and “Komsomolskaya Pravda”. Russian television programs, series and talk shows, as well as Russian music radio stations, are very popular in Kazakhstan.
At the same time, there are very significant obstacles to integration, created mainly from outside. The rapprochement between Russia and Kazakhstan that has emerged over the past two years has caused displeasure in some political circles in the West, who are not interested in unification processes in the post-Soviet space. Political pressure on the Kazakh leadership has noticeably increased.
Back at the end of 2001, during a meeting with N. Nazarbayev, US President George W. Bush harshly expressed impartial criticism of the situation in the republic. A year later, the official representative of the US State Department, Phil Reeker, and a group of American congressmen accused the President of Kazakhstan of holding all the leading positions in the country with his relatives, and the money coming from the sale of oil and gas allegedly ends up in the accounts of the Future Generations Fund controlled by him. At sessions of the European Parliament, the issue of human rights violations and persecution of dissidents in the republic is periodically raised.
The opposition Kazakh electronic media, which exist with money from overseas sponsors, are actively engaged in exposing the “criminal regime” and advocate intensive rapprochement with the United States as opposed to Russia.
However, such “attacks” are virtual and do not pose a great danger to the ruling elite. The key to a stable situation in Kazakhstan is an alliance with Russia. Moreover, the population also supports the policy of integration with its northern neighbor. According to the results of a survey among residents of Kazakhstan conducted by the Comcon-2 Eurasia agency in April last year, 84% of respondents believe that the republic should unite with Russia. Only 3.6% of respondents were in favor of unification with the United States, 2% were in favor of an alliance with China, and 0.4% were in favor of an alliance with Ukraine. 0.4% of respondents do not support the idea of a union with any country at all. For the most part, Kazakhstanis do not want to unite with their neighboring states Central Asia.
Thus, Kazakhstan’s choice of Russia as its main strategic partner is predetermined by historical, geographical, political and economic prerequisites. The union of Russia and Kazakhstan - the two largest states in the post-Soviet space - meets the vital interests of both countries and their peoples. The success of further integration depends on the actions of the leadership of Russia and Kazakhstan.
Russian-Kazakh relations and internal politics of Kazakhstan
The key to stable development of Kazakhstan, including political aspect, lies only in the sphere of continuing President Nazarbayev’s Eurasian policy of rapprochement with Russia, in the sphere of efforts that Nursultan Abishevich is making to re-integrate the Eurasian space and to give the CIS a completely new meaning. It is the rapprochement of Kazakhstan with Russia that guarantees that the not so complicated, but gradually becoming somewhat tense political situation in Kazakhstan will be resolved harmoniously and positively.
What is very important here is that Putin’s personal relations with Nazarbayev are developing, perhaps, in an optimal way compared to other heads of the CIS countries. The problems that our countries face today belong to a common “family of challenges.” Both Russia and Kazakhstan are building democracy, but this process is embedded in a specific geographical, historical and cultural context. Democracy in both Russia and Kazakhstan is in the process of formation, so from time to time there is a danger of distortion of this process both towards a relapse of authoritarian tendencies, and, conversely, towards falling into chaos and uncontrollability. Both Putin and Nazarbayev, in a sense, have a similar situation: both Putin and Nazarbayev are popular democratic rulers in their homeland, who are primarily concerned with long-term stability in their countries, as well as rapprochement between all the states of the post-Soviet space.
In other words, it is becoming more and more obvious that both Putin and Nazarbayev take Eurasian positions and follow a Eurasian course. This course cannot be followed alone because it is about bringing each other closer together. different countries, peoples, cultures, economies, social systems. These processes are proceeding differently in Kazakhstan and us, at different speeds, but their general rhythm and general character are very similar.
2004 passed as “the year of Russia in Kazakhstan”, and 2003 as “the year of Kazakhstan in Russia”. Over these two years, an irreversible breakthrough has been made in the rapprochement between our states and in the approaching moment when it will be possible to talk about the real creation of the “Eurasian Union”. There is no doubt that the integration of the post-Soviet space will now proceed more intensively, successfully, positively and creatively. This will primarily affect the rapprochement between Moscow and Astana, because the key to the integration of the entire post-Soviet space lies precisely in the Moscow-Astana axis, as well as in the success of involving Kyiv in this process.
Now Russian-Kazakh relations, and the relations between our Presidents on a personal level, as well as their unanimity on issues of restructuring the post-Soviet space, are the key to political stability in all CIS countries and, of course, primarily in Russia and Kazakhstan. Russia has the economic, political, strategic, diplomatic, social and cultural potential that is capable of supporting President Nazarbayev himself in domestic political terms. The rapprochement of Kazakhstan with Russia turns the factor of the Russian population, which in other circumstances could even be a destabilizing force, given its significance and volume in Kazakhstan, into a factor that will serve to strengthen Nazarbayev’s position in the domestic political sphere. In addition, if Russia’s general economic projects are implemented, if Russia fully and fully, as it is now doing, realizes the need for a strategic partnership with Kazakhstan, even at the cost of some concessions on tariff policy and customs issues, which is increasingly being talked about by the leaders of our Governments countries, then Russia will acquire in Kazakhstan such a reliable strategic partner, which has no equal in the post-Soviet space.
This will certainly strengthen the socio-political position of Nazarbayev, who in yet another area will be able to demonstrate to his people all the benefits of integration and all the positive, economic, including tariff and customs benefits of Eurasianism, especially in matters of energy resource delivery. Russia is simply doomed to an alliance with Kazakhstan, and the political future of the President of Kazakhstan and the President of Russia over a fairly limited period of time will be connected precisely with the success of the implementation of political integration between our states.
Much, if not everything, will depend on the creation of that “Eurasian Union”, which Nursultan Nazarbayev prophetically announced back in 1994. It should be noted that, fortunately, this idea is becoming more and more popular among the Russian leadership. The fact that 2004 began with the visit of our President to Kazakhstan is a symbolic chord of the Eurasian course, under the sign of which the four years of the subsequent reign of the President will take place. After his re-election in March 2004, Putin's course of rule will be even more Eurasian - the weight and significance of Eurasianism will be incomparably greater than in the previous four years. Consequently, a visit to the Eurasian capital, to the Eurasian Nazarbayev, to a country where Eurasianism is actually the ruling ideology, on the part of our President Vladimir Vladimirovich Putin is a symbolic gesture that must be assessed in exactly this way. And for Nursultan Nazarbayev this is colossal political support. And as soon as the people, the citizens of Kazakhstan, see that their President’s Eurasian initiatives are finally understood by Russia, the main integration partner, Nazarbayev’s political and national rating and his international influence will increase sharply. Possessing such political wisdom and such active initiative, President Nazarbayev, before our eyes, is becoming the most important figure in European and even world politics.
Nazarbayev faces three main challenges in domestic policy:
1) The first is a challenge from the pro-American, anti-Nazarbayev, ultra-liberal elite, sponsored by Kazhegeldin and embodied in the extreme opposition of the “liberal-democratic” persuasion, which criticizes Nazarbayev for the “authoritarian” features of his rule, for his Eurasianism, for his positive attitude towards Russia. This is a very small but very active group based on transatlantic support. In a general democratic context, it is unlikely to pose any danger or threat to Nazarbayev, but, nevertheless, it is a rather aggressive force.
2) The second challenge is Kazakh nationalists who evaluate Nazarbayev differently, partly support him, partly not, or even criticize him for his loyalty to the Russian population and so on. But their project is an alternative to Eurasianism and, in fact, a fallback option for Atlanticism; If the ultra-Western, extremist-liberal scenario does not pass, the bet will be placed on “Kazakh nationalism” in order to prevent integration processes in Eurasia.
3) The third challenge is the Russians in Kazakhstan. This is a significant part, 40% or even more, of the population of Kazakhstan, who are to a certain extent dissatisfied with the very format of the existence of the national Kazakh state, in which, of course, they find themselves in the minority and experience a certain psychological disadvantage, which is not in administrative terms, but at least least in their minds.
After the collapse of the USSR, relations between Russia and Kazakhstan became one of the most important components not only in the post-Soviet space, but also in the sphere of geopolitics. Diplomatic relations between the Russian Federation and the Republic of Kazakhstan were established on October 22, 1992, and all this time Russian-Kazakh relations have been developing in the spirit of good neighborliness, alliance and strategic partnership.
On January 31, 2002, the official opening of the Russian Embassy took place in the new capital of the Republic of Kazakhstan - Astana. In April 2002, the Russian consulate began to function in Uralsk. Since 2004, the Russian Embassy has been operating in Astana (in Almaty there is a consular section of the embassy). There is a Consulate General of Kazakhstan in St. Petersburg and a Consulate of Kazakhstan in Astrakhan.
Kazakhstan was the first CIS state with which Russia concluded a Treaty of Friendship, Cooperation and Mutual Assistance on May 25, 1992. According to the Treaty, the parties recognize the inviolability of the borders existing between them and agree to carry out equal and beneficial economic, scientific and technical cooperation. The agreement provides for the creation of a common military-strategic space, the joint use of military bases, training grounds and other military facilities.
Another fundamental bilateral document is the Declaration “On Eternal Friendship and Alliance Oriented in the 21st Century,” signed in July 1998 during N. Nazarbayev’s working visit to Moscow (neither Russia nor Kazakhstan has a similar agreement with any other country).
Over the past years, more than 270 treaties and cooperation agreements have been signed between the two countries. Among them: Declaration on the expansion and deepening of Russian-Kazakh cooperation (1995), Agreement on the legal status of citizens of both republics (1995), Agreement on a simplified procedure for acquiring citizenship (1995), Agreement on a customs union (1995), Agreement on Russian participation in the development of the Caspian shelf and gas field in Karachagalak (1995), Agreement between the Russian Federation and the Republic of Kazakhstan on the state border (2005) and others.
Cooperation is also being actively promoted at the parliamentary level. On April 1, 2003, in Astana, the Speaker of the Federation Council of the Russian Federation S. Mironov and the Chairman of the Senate of the Parliament of Kazakhstan O. Abdykarimov signed a protocol on the development of cooperation.
Political contacts are maintained, primarily at the highest level:
In June 2000, the President of Kazakhstan Nursultan Nazarbayev made an official visit to the Russian Federation; following negotiations with Russian President Vladimir Putin, a joint statement was signed, as well as a Memorandum on the further development of cooperation on ensuring the functioning of the Baikonur complex.
On December 18-19, 2002, during N. Nazarbayev’s working visit to Russia, during a meeting with Russian President V. Putin, the development of trade and economic relations between the two countries was discussed.
In February 2003, the President of Kazakhstan made a working visit to Russia, during which a meeting was held with the President of the Russian Federation Vladimir Putin, at which the state and prospects for the development of economic relations were discussed.
On January 9-10, 2004, the official visit of the President of the Russian Federation to Astana took place. At the negotiations between V.V. Putin and N.A. Nazarbayev, key issues of bilateral relations, interaction in integration structures, and cooperation in the international arena were discussed.
On May 25-26, 2004, the Prime Minister of the Republic of Kazakhstan D.K. Akhmetov was in Moscow on a working visit.
On January 12, 2005, the President of the Russian Federation took a short one-day working visit to Kazakhstan. The parties discussed issues of energy cooperation and border delimitation, as well as a number of international problems.
On January 17-18, 2005, the official visit of the President of Kazakhstan N. Nazarbayev to the Russian Federation took place. The presidents signed the "Agreement between the Russian Federation and the Republic of Kazakhstan on the state border."
In the presence of the presidents, intergovernmental agreements were signed on the creation of the Kazakh communications and broadcasting satellite "Kazsat", as well as on the mutual protection of rights to the results of intellectual activity used and obtained in the course of bilateral military-technical cooperation.
On November 16, 2005, the State Duma of the Russian Federation ratified the Treaty on the Russian-Kazakh State Border introduced by the President of the Russian Federation. The document is aimed at completing the international legal formalization of the state border between the two countries and increasing the level of border security on the longest section of the state border of the Russian Federation, which is 7.5 thousand kilometers and passes through the territory of 11 constituent entities of the Federation.
Trade and economic cooperation.
In foreign economic relations of the Russian Federation with the CIS countries, Kazakhstan ranks third (after the Republic of Belarus and Ukraine). In the total trade turnover of the Russian Federation with the CIS countries, the share of the Republic of Kazakhstan is 15%. Specific gravity RF in commodity exchange operations of the Republic of Kazakhstan - 24.7%.
Trade turnover between the Republic of Kazakhstan and the Russian Federation exceeded $8 billion, reaching a record level over the past 10 years. According to the President of the Russian Federation Vladimir Putin, expressed at a meeting with the President of the Republic of Kazakhstan Nursultan Nazarbayev in May 2005, “at the end of the current year there is a chance to reach 10 billion dollars,” but in 2006 it had already reached 6 billion in six months. As a result of the agreement signed in August 2006 on the joint transit of goods through the territory of Kazakhstan and Russian goods through Kazakhstan to Central Asia and China, cargo turnover between Kazakhstan and Russia will increase by 30 percent.
In the structure of Russian exports to the Republic of Kazakhstan, the leading place is occupied by products of the fuel and energy complex and mechanical engineering, in imports from the Republic of Kazakhstan to the Republic of Armenia - raw materials, including energy resources and ferrous metals, and agricultural products.
Investment cooperation between the Russian Federation and the Republic of Kazakhstan is being carried out, represented mainly by the activities of enterprises in the republic with the participation of Russian capital. In 2004, their number increased to 1.2 thousand.
At the level of the governments of the Republic of Kazakhstan and the Russian Federation, agreements on trade cooperation between the Kazakh side and the cities were signed. Moscow and St. Petersburg, Astrakhan, Sverdlovsk, Omsk and Chelyabinsk regions, the Republic of Tatarstan and a number of other Russian regions.
Interregional and cross-border connections are supported. Their share accounts for up to 70% foreign trade turnover. The development of cross-border and interregional cooperation was given impetus by the Forum of Border Regions of the Russian Federation and the Republic of Kazakhstan, held in April 2003 in Omsk with the participation of the presidents of the two countries.
Of the 27 constituent entities of the Russian Federation located along the border with the CIS states, 12 border on the Republic of Kazakhstan. This makes it particularly important to expand and deepen cross-border cooperation between them. The most active trade and economic relations with the regions of the Republic of Kazakhstan are maintained by Moscow, Chelyabinsk, Sverdlovsk, Orenburg, Tyumen, Astrakhan, Omsk, Irkutsk, Kemerovo, Moscow, Novosibirsk, Kurgan and Samara regions, as well as Altai and Krasnoyarsk region, Republics of Bashkortostan and Khakassia. These regions account for over 70% of trade turnover between Russia and Kazakhstan, and cross-border cooperation accounts for more than 60%.
Economic cooperation between the regions of the Russian Federation and the Republic of Kazakhstan is carried out on the basis of cross-border economic schemes for the supply of Ekibastuz coal from the republic to power plants in the Urals and Siberia with the sending of electricity in the opposite direction; mineral raw materials to the mining metallurgy enterprises of the Southern Urals in exchange for their finished products; oil and gas condensate to processing enterprises in Samara, Orenburg region and Bashkiria against counter receipts of oil products and gas.
Issues of cross-border cooperation are regulated by the Agreement and the Program on Economic Cooperation for 1998-2007. dated October 12, 1998, by the intergovernmental Agreement and the Program of Cross-Border Cooperation between the Regions of the Russian Federation and the Republic of Kazakhstan for 1999-2007. dated September 24, 1999
In February 2003, the presidents of the Republic of Kazakhstan, the Russian Federation, as well as the Republic of Belarus and Ukraine reached an agreement on the creation of a common economic space (SES) to accelerate economic growth in the Quartet countries. In September 2003, they approved the agreement and concept for the creation of the SES, according to which freedom of movement of goods, services, capital and people should be ensured on the territory of the union.
In August 2005, the Russian-Kazakh joint venture KAMAZ-engineering was launched in Kazakhstan. The KAMAZ-Engineering project is one of the first large and most successful joint Russian-Kazakh projects in the field of automotive production. The founders of KAMAZ-Engineering on the Kazakh side are the national company Kazakhstan Engineering, and on the Russian side - KAMAZ OJSC. The design capacity of the enterprise will be 2,350 units of vehicles per year. In 2006, the company will begin work on organizing the production of dump trucks for KAMAZ vehicles and trailers, and from 2007 it is planned to organize the production of bus showrooms.
Military-technical cooperation.
After the collapse of the USSR, the largest Russian military bases in the near abroad turned out to be on the territory of Kazakhstan. This is a powerful testing site complex that is of utmost importance for Russia's defense capability: nuclear testing sites in Semipalatinsk, in Azgir, the Sary-Shagan test site / testing strategic air and missile defense systems / and the Emba test site / military air defense systems/. In addition, on the territory of Kazakhstan there are so-called “combat fields” - areas where spent stages of missiles launched from the Kapustin Yar and Vladimirovka test sites (4th and 929th test sites) fall. In the early 90s, Kazakhstan declared all Soviet military facilities its property. Russian-Kazakh negotiations on their use have begun.
On March 28, 1994, Russia and Kazakhstan signed an “Agreement on the basic principles and conditions for the use of the Baikonur Cosmodrome,” according to which the complex was leased to the Russian Federation for a period of up to 20 years, with subsequent extension for a period of 10 years and an annual rental cost of 115 million dollars ( On May 25, 2005, the State Duma of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation ratified an agreement between the Republic of Kazakhstan and the Russian Federation on the development of cooperation on the effective use of Baikonur, providing for the extension of its lease until 2050).
Since 1994, within the framework of the intergovernmental Treaty on Military Cooperation between Kazakhstan and Russia dated March 28, 1994, more than 50 bilateral documents have been signed, covering a wide range of issues of ensuring joint security. These include the Agreement on cooperation and mutual settlements in the disposition of nuclear weapons, the Agreement on cooperation in the process of reducing strategic offensive weapons located on the territory of the Republic of Kazakhstan, the Agreement on compensation for equipment and weapons transferred to the territory of Russia from the territory of Kazakhstan, the Agreement between the defense departments on joint planning of operational training activities for the Armed Forces of the two states, Agreement on guarantees for Russian military personnel serving in the Kazakh army under contract, Agreement on the status of Russian military formations temporarily located on the territory of Kazakhstan.
Since 1996, Russia and Kazakhstan have been on joint combat duty as part of the joint CIS air defense system. The parties regularly interact in terms of harmonizing defense doctrines, military-economic cooperation, as well as protecting the external borders of the CIS. Since January 2001, a bilateral commission on military-technical cooperation has been functioning.
In February 2000, the State Company "Rosvooruzheniye" signed a general agreement with the state enterprise "Kazspetsexport", which determined the main directions of military-technical cooperation, including the export of Russian military products to the Republic of Kazakhstan in partial repayment of Russia's debt for the lease of the Baikonur Cosmodrome.
During the meetings of the Presidents of Russia and Kazakhstan N. Nazarbayev and V. Putin at the end of 2002 and the beginning of 2003, an agreement was reached on the implementation of a project to create a new rocket space complex at Baikonur, and on December 22, 2004, an Agreement was signed on the creation of space rocket complex "Baiterek". Completion of construction work on the complex is planned for 2007-2008.
During the official visit of Russian President V. Putin to Kazakhstan on January 9-10, 2004, 11 documents were signed, including: an agreement on cooperation and interaction on border issues, an agreement on the development of cooperation on the effective use of the Baikonur complex, as well as further development of cooperation on issues of ensuring the functioning of this complex. An agreement on cooperation in the export of military products to third countries was also signed.
Kazakhstan and Russia are active participants in the Collective Security Treaty Organization, created in 2003 on the basis of a collective security treaty. According to the agreements reached, military-technical supplies from Russia to Kazakhstan within the CSTO will be carried out at domestic Russian prices (the agreement on preferential terms of sale came into force on January 1, 2004).
The training of Kazakh officers in Russia is considered a very important block of military-technical cooperation in Kazakhstan. In 2002, the parties agreed that this training would be conducted according to unified programs, based on modern military doctrinal developments. In 2003, 254 cadets were sent from Kazakhstan to Russia to study at Russian military educational institutions. Kazakhstan also attaches great importance to cooperation within the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO).
On January 16, 2004, in Moscow, the Ministers of Defense of the Republic of Kazakhstan and the Russian Federation, Mukhtar Altynbaev and Sergei Ivanov, respectively, signed an Agreement on joint planning of the use of troops (forces) in the interests of ensuring joint security. The document was prepared to develop the provisions of the Treaty of Friendship, Cooperation and Mutual Assistance of May 25, 1992 and the Collective Security Treaty of May 15, 1992.
Cooperation in the field of culture.
The peak of cooperation between the Republic of Kazakhstan and the Russian Federation in the field of culture was the holding of the Year of Kazakhstan in Russia in 2003 and the Year of Russia in Kazakhstan in 2004.
Main events within the framework of the Year of Kazakhstan in Russia.
On February 18, the grand opening of the Year of Kazakhstan in Russia took place at the Bolshoi Theater in Moscow. As part of the festive events, on February 17-20, 2003, the Kremlin hosted the exhibitions "Golden Warrior: Treasures of the Saki Mounds", the Week of Kazakhstan Cinema, concerts by masters of art of the Republic of Kazakhstan, etc. A gala concert of masters of art of the Republic of Kazakhstan and a book exhibition "Kazakhstan Recognized by the World" took place. .
On March 14, the teaching of the Kazakh language began at the Moscow State Linguistic University at the Faculty of Translation in the specialty “Linguistics and International Communication”. In addition, the Center for Kazakh Language and Culture was created on the basis of the university, designed to become the coordinator of inter-university relations between the Republic of Kazakhstan and the Russian Federation on cooperation in the field of exchange of students and teachers and their joint scientific, educational and methodological activities.
On March 31, the opening of the representative office of the Russian Center for International Scientific and Cultural Cooperation at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Armenia (Roszarubezhcenter) took place in Astana. The representative office's field of activity includes a wide range of Russian-Kazakh and international cooperation in the humanitarian, scientific and business spheres. The beginning of the work of the representative office is the first stage in the creation of the Russian House of Science and Culture in the republic.
On June 30, the arts festival “From Almaty with Love” opened in St. Petersburg, which was attended by Alibek Dnishev and Roza Rymbaeva, the folklore and ethnographic ensemble “Sazgen Sazy”, the studio theater “Samruk”, the symphony orchestra of the Opera House. Abaya and other artists. Also, an exhibition of the Russian avant-garde collection of the 1920s - 1930s has opened at the Russian Museum. from Almaty
From July 22 to August 1, the Academic Opera and Ballet Theater of Yekaterinburg hosted a tour of the Kazakh State Academic Opera and Ballet Theater named after. Abaya. “The Fountain of Bakhchisarai”, the operas “La Traviata” and “Faust”, and the ballets “Giselle” and “Swan Lake” were shown on stage.
On September 30, the international scientific and practical conference “Kazakhstan: History. Culture. Language”, organized by the Interparliamentary Assembly of the EurAsEC and St. Petersburg State University, opened in St. Petersburg. During the forum, representatives of the national parliaments of the EurAsEC states, scientists, university teachers, cultural figures of the Republic of Kazakhstan and the Russian Federation considered issues of interregional and cross-border cooperation, ensuring economic and information security.
Main events within the framework of the Year of Russia in Kazakhstan.
On April 5, at the invitation of the Ministry of Culture of the Republic of Kazakhstan and with the assistance of the Altyn Adam Foundation, Russian film director Egor Mikhalkov-Konchalovsky visited Astana, showing his latest (at that time) film “Antikiller-2” - the most successful commercial project of the last decade in the CIS.
On May 17-18, the II Republican Festival of Student Youth of the Kazakh-Russian University (KRU) was held in Pavlodar, the program of which included a pop song and modern dance competition, a beauty contest, sports competitions, plenary and sectional sessions of the student scientific and theoretical conference, debates, performance of KVN teams.
On July 23, the historical and cultural ecological expedition “Zhaiyk-Ural” started in Orenburg, whose participants - scientists, journalists, students and schoolchildren - sailed along the river in 16 days. The Urals are almost 400 km from the city of Uralsk. During the expedition, environmental health issues were discussed.
September 10 in Astana in the Eurasian national university them. Lev Gumilyov hosted a republican meeting dedicated to summing up the results of the Year of Russia in Kazakhstan in the field of education. It was attended by representatives of the Ministry of Education and Science of the Republic of Kazakhstan, the Russian Embassy in the republic, directors of republican educational institutions, and representatives of public organizations.
In 2006, a monument to the outstanding Kazakh thinker Abai was unveiled in Moscow. The year 2006 in Russia has been declared the year of Abai Kunanbayev. And in Kazakhstan it takes place under the sign of Pushkin’s poetry.
Organizations in which Russia and Kazakhstan interact
Russia and Kazakhstan interact within the framework of the CIS, the Collective Security Treaty Organization and the Eurasian Economic Community, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, the Central Asian Cooperation Organization, and in the process of forming the Common Economic Space.
The Russian-Kazakh Intergovernmental Commission on Cooperation (IGC), established in 1997, operates. Within the framework of the IGC, there are subcommittees on the Baikonur complex, cross-border cooperation, transport, investment and military-technical cooperation.
Well-known Russian and Kazakh experts shared their forecasts regarding the dynamics of development of Russian-Kazakh relations, whom we asked to answer the following questions:
1. What issues, in your opinion, will dominate the agenda of bilateral Kazakh-Russian relations in 2018?
2. One of the key events of 2018 in Russia will be the presidential elections scheduled for March. What impact will they have on the internal political situation in Kazakhstan, on the bilateral relations of our countries?
3. According to the EEC, in January-October 2017, Kazakhstan and Russia managed to stop the negative downward trend in mutual trade volumes and increase its indicators by 33%. Do you think it will be possible to continue this positive trend in 2018 and through which sectors?
4. In 2018, Kazakhstan’s membership in the Security Council will continue; in addition, new rounds of the Astana process on the Syrian peace settlement are expected. How, in your opinion, will cooperation between Russia and Kazakhstan develop in security matters in 2018?
Eduard Poletaev, head of the Public Foundation “World of Eurasia”:
1 - 3. I am confident that the agenda of bilateral Kazakh-Russian cooperation will not undergo major changes; everything will be aimed at its development along an evolutionary path.
In addition to bilateral cooperation, work will continue within the framework of multilateral interaction formats - primarily the Eurasian Economic Union. As you know, in 2018 Russia chairs this organization; we should certainly expect some significant initiatives and progress in this direction from it.
We should also expect a solution to the problem of “under-integration” of our economies: the EAEU Customs Code has just begun to work, which the member countries of the association could not agree on and accept for a long time. Possible contradictions, difficulties and misunderstandings in this part still need to be “settled” - the work goes “into the field”.
In bilateral relations, the main problem in the economy – the decline in mutual trade – has been resolved. Last year we managed to achieve some success in increasing trade turnover between our countries. There is great hope that this positive trend will continue. In addition, there are a number of agreements on joint investment projects, including in border areas. Russian businessmen invest an average of $1 billion annually in the economy of Kazakhstan. Kazakhstan is also an investor for the Russian economy, albeit on a smaller scale.
Let me remind you that about 70% of trade turnover between our countries occurs in border regions. Plus Tatarstan is our most important trading partner. Among the promising joint projects, I would name a car production plant in Ust-Kamenogorsk. Cooperation with the Orenburg region is actively developing.
There are a number of problems in the fuel and energy complex, on which our economies greatly depend. But we must admit that recently the trend towards expanding the product range of mutual trade has intensified - partly this is due to the activities of the EAEU, partly to the sanctions confrontation in which the Russian economy has become involved. Although the structure of exports in Russia has not yet changed significantly, nevertheless, mutual supplies of manufacturing products between Kazakhstan and Russia have increased. It is quite possible that next year we will see a continuation and growth of this trend. After all, the EAEU was created largely precisely in order to form a progressive economic structure and overcome the raw material specialization of our countries in the international system of division of labor.
Due to the fact that Russia has changed the context of interaction with many of its traditional foreign economic partners, its partners in Eurasian integration have good chances to occupy niches in the Russian market.
I would like to note that more than 90% of Kazakhstan’s trade turnover with the EAEU countries comes from Russia. Trade volumes with Belarus, Kyrgyzstan, not to mention Armenia are quite insignificant. Since in Russia is coming the trend towards import substitution and reorientation towards export supplies to Southeast Asia, Kazakhstan can play its own, albeit small role corresponding to the scale of the economy, in these processes - for example, in the supply of food products to the Russian market, as well as the realization of its transit potential.
Let me give you an example of such import substitution: recently, one Latvian journalist was very surprised to find on the shelves Russian stores sprats produced in Shymkent. This is an illustrative example of how Kazakhstan was able to organize the production of a product that was not at all typical for our market and for our region. Sprats are, to some extent, a political product: Russia, as you know, lifted sanctions on their import for a number of producers in Latvia and Estonia in December 2017. However, it is quite possible that Latvian and Estonian manufacturers will find that this niche has already been occupied by Kazakh entrepreneurs. Why not try using the same scheme to produce and supply to the Russian market a number of other products from the sanctions list?
Pharmaceuticals are another industry in which the EAEU countries are heavily dependent on Western technologies and raw materials. It is no coincidence that the single market for medicines was one of the very first created - let me remind you that it started operating last year. And although this production sector is not in excellent condition in the EAEU countries, however, the prospects for cooperation here are very significant. There are even historical prerequisites for this: for example, at the beginning of the twentieth century, medicines from Shymkent were exported outside the Russian Empire.
2. Kazakhstan has already expressed its attitude to the presidential elections in the Russian Federation, supporting the current Russian leader. Kazakhstan does not need surprises and surprises in the Russian electoral cycle. In addition, our republic is interested in a strong and authoritative leader of a neighboring friendly state.
Our republic calmly and without stress survived a variety of election campaigns in the Russian Federation: both when Boris Yeltsin left and when Dmitry Medvedev was elected. This did not affect either the state of bilateral relations or the internal political situation in the republic. Although, of course, the population is interested in what is happening in the Russian Federation, the degree of predictability of the voting results is very high and therefore they do not expect any surprises from the elections.
Perhaps only technical aspects will be important. For example, the Treaty on Friendship, Cooperation and Mutual Assistance between Kazakhstan and Russia in the 21st Century, signed in Yekaterinburg in 2013, expires in 2018. If the parties do not want to change anything, then it will simply be extended. Perhaps the parties will want to strengthen it and introduce new formats of interaction into it. Then it is quite possible that a new agreement will be signed.
Of course, Kazakhstan will pay close attention to what new tasks it will pose to the country. president-elect Russian Federation and, probably, based on this, will adjust its strategic development plans.
In general, Kazakhstan and the people of Kazakhstan should not expect serious changes from the elections in Russia.
4. With regard to cooperation between Kazakhstan and Russia in the field of security, in my opinion, no significant problems are foreseen.
It’s another matter that today we are seeing how the Syrian crisis is mutating - new players have become involved in it, new points of conflict have emerged, new problems and new challenges have emerged. For example, news recently appeared that Israel had launched strikes on Syrian territory. In connection with the protests, the situation in Iran, a country that is one of the guarantors of the resolution of the Syrian crisis, has become more complicated. All these changes will need to be taken into account when holding a new round of negotiations in Astana.
Kazakhstan has a significant bonus in 2018 to support its security initiatives - access to the international microphone at the UN Security Council, at least through January, when it will chair the Council.
I would like to note that Kazakhstan has taken the mission of its membership in the UN Security Council quite seriously. One can assess Kazakhstan’s ambitions differently, which it is realizing thanks to its presence in the Security Council, however, it is obvious that these ambitions were supported by serious organizational work. A program for Kazakhstan's chairmanship was developed, and seven priorities were formulated. Passed great amount meetings, resolutions and statements were signed. The UN is a complex bureaucratic system. And membership in the Security Council is, first of all, a good practice for Kazakhstan. Kazakhstan’s modern diplomacy is only 25 years old, in this we are inferior to countries such as Ukraine and Belarus, which have been members of the organization since 1946, along with the Soviet Union, and are in fact the founding countries of the UN.
Although Kazakhstan is not the first post-Soviet republic to receive the status of a non-permanent member of the UN Security Council, it was ahead of Ukraine and Lithuania, but it is the first in Central Asia. We represent the entire region. This experience is very good. Of course, it will be very difficult, because many countries have a ripe demand for reforming the Security Council - this has been repeatedly stated by the leaders of various states and international organizations.
Kazakhstan has a significant advantage in the Security Council - it does not experience contradictions with any of its permanent members. I am confident that the opinion of our republic will be listened to and we will be able to implement much of what we planned.
Sergey Rekeda, Director of the Information and Analytical Center
1. Economy and security - these two areas will remain priorities in Russian-Kazakh relations in 2018. The first point is determined by the fact that the task of entering a trajectory of stable socio-economic development that corresponds to the modernization tasks facing both countries remains urgent. In Kazakhstan, these tasks have already been formulated and made public; in Russia, most likely, they will be presented in 2018, but they are unlikely to differ fundamentally from the Kazakh formulas.
The relevance of the second point – security – is dictated by the international context. In addition to the growing threats in Afghanistan, the first week of 2018 has already been marked by a number of important events in both Syria and Iran, which indicate that international tension will not ease in the coming year.
2. I don’t think we should predict any serious changes in the internal political situation in Kazakhstan in connection with the Russian presidential elections. The main result of the elections for Kazakhstan should be the preservation of the previous level of allied relations and the continuation of the implementation of joint projects. During the pre-election period, one can expect information “stuffing” that will be attempts to either discredit the partnership between the two countries, or to link internal Kazakhstan problems with “the increase in Moscow’s aggressiveness during the pre-election period.” It is logical, of course, to assume that in the first half of the year, in connection with the elections, the attention of the Russian leadership to the internal situation will increase compared to foreign policy, but this will not seriously affect the dialogue between Moscow and Astana.
3. The growth in mutual trade noted by the Eurasian Commission is understandable and expected - for now this is a period of restoration of previous indicators, rather than a leap forward, which should be expected only in 2018. It should be expected largely due to the increase in economic interaction between the regions of Russia and Kazakhstan, as well as account of high-tech industries. The problem is that mutual trade in traditional industries after the start of the EAEU is the “cream” that by and large have almost been removed. Next we need to increase economic interaction through cooperation in new industries. Efforts in this direction can be seen on both sides.
4. In 2017, it was indeed possible to observe very effective cooperation between Moscow and Astana in the international arena and similar coordination of actions, I think, can be observed in 2018. The Western flank of foreign policy is not a priority for Russia now. More precisely, progress in this direction depends on the success of foreign policy in other areas - the near abroad, the Middle East, China, Southeast Asia. In these areas...
Urazgali Selteev, political scientist, leading expert at the Institute of World Economy and Politics under the Foundation of the First President of the Republic of Kazakhstan - Elbasy:
1. You should not expect any special changes. The traditional format of strategic partnership will remain. The strengthening of trade and economic ties and cultural and humanitarian cooperation will continue.
This is quite natural, since Kazakhstan and Russia are one of the main markets for each other. It is important to take into account that the Russian Federation occupies a significant share in the total volume of imports of the Republic of Kazakhstan. This figure has increased to more than 38% over the past five years.
The development of cross-border trade will continue. Interaction between regions has significant potential. There are growth points that are not fully utilized. This is evidenced by the annual forums of interregional cooperation.
Considering that 2018 is the year of Russia’s presidency of the EAEU, the main emphasis will be on strengthening relations within the framework of Eurasian integration. With the entry into force of the new Customs Code, problematic issues related to the elimination of exemptions and restrictions on trade will be resolved.
At the same time, some synchronization of internal development agendas can be expected in the near future. The point is that for Kazakhstan now the key direction is the digitalization of the economy and technological renewal. In Russia, however, these issues are likely to be more clearly voiced in Vladimir Putin’s election program, and subsequently the government will focus on their implementation as part of a new reform plan. Accordingly, some joint projects may arise here.
2. Absolutely none. The result of the upcoming elections in Russia is predictable. Therefore, Kazakhstan is focused on continuing the established dialogue with its neighbor.
3. It is clear that the main factor behind the decline in volumes in previous periods was the fall in oil and gas prices. Much depends on this, since energy resources occupy a significant share in the structure of trade - 20-30%. And forecasts for world prices for this year are the most contradictory.
In general, I think there will be no fundamental changes in this area. The same line of goods will remain in mutual trade. The structure of Kazakh supplies to the Russian Federation is dominated by sales of raw materials in the form of energy resources, ores and metals, and agricultural products. In turn, the main export items Russian manufacturers in Kazakhstan are mechanical engineering products, food and chemical products.
4. In the security sphere, the vision of Kazakhstan and Russia coincides. In addition to the fact that Kazakhstan chairs the UN Security Council in January, in 2018 our country is also at the head of the CSTO.
Undoubtedly, Russia, as a permanent member of the UN Security Council and a strategic partner, will support Kazakhstan’s initiatives in these international structures.
It is worth noting that the problems that Kazakhstan plans to raise in the UN Security Council will be updated through the CSTO. This concerns security in Central Asia, water resources, and the situation in Afghanistan.
Recorded by Zhanar Tulindinova (Astana)
The problem of the objectivity of historical knowledge is determined by the peculiarities of social cognition. This issue arises especially acutely in transitional eras. This is a very important problem, because it is precisely on such historical facts that schoolchildren’s ideas will be formed, what assessment they will be given, that determines the worldview of an entire generation. Another aspect of the problem is the degree of trust. School knowledge is often perceived as truth (at a certain age), the more bitter will be the feeling of disappointment when, after time, a person realizes that he was deceived.
It is no coincidence that the problem of school history education is in the spotlight today. We live in a rapidly changing world. I am interested in the subject “history”, because history is the science of people’s lives, helping to understand the past, understand the present and predict the future. We learn how the peoples of our country lived, worked and fought, how their friendship was tempered in the struggle for a better life. By studying history, we learn about the deeds and actions of people. Scientists call them historical events and facts. Very often the only source of systematic historical knowledge for most of my generation is the school textbook.
The second problem is related to migration processes. The processes of mass migration of the population of the former Soviet Union is the object of study of many sciences. A lot of works have been written about the resettlement of Germans. But I, who was born and lived for a certain number of years on the territory of Kazakhstan, and who lived through the epic of resettlement, was interested in another question, how the connections between Russia and Kazakhstan were covered in textbooks of the Soviet and post-Soviet periods. Working hypothesis: are historical facts clearly interpreted in school textbooks; how the political system influences the emerging worldview of schoolchildren.
Goal: carry out comparative analysis content and assessments of events in the history of relations between Kazakhstan and Russia in various periods of history, in order to determine to what extent a school history textbook is a mirror of its time, and to what extent it can serve as an objective source of knowledge about the past and present.
1. To study options for considering issues of Russian-Kazakh relations in textbooks of the Kazakh SSR;
2. To study options for considering issues of Russian-Kazakh relations in USSR textbooks;
3. Explore options for addressing issues of Russian-Kazakh relations in textbooks of the Republic of Kazakhstan;
4. Explore options for addressing issues of Russian-Kazakh relations in textbooks of the Russian Federation;
5. Identify general trends;
6. Identify disagreements and explain the reason for their origin.
Object of study: the national question in the history of Russia.
Subject of research: Russian-Kazakh relations
Chronological framework: XV – XX centuries.
Territorial boundaries of the study: Russia, Russian Empire, USSR.
The research methodology is based on:
Based on the scientific principle, that is, the content of the work is based on reliable facts;
On the principle of objectivity, that is, when working, an objective attitude towards the source and its objective interpretation are observed;
On the principle of historicism, that is, identifying the patterns of the phenomenon under consideration.
Research methods:
The historical method, that is, taking into account the entirety of specific historical conditions and chronological sequence;
A retrospective method that allows you to study the past at later stages of its development.
In the process of solving the problems posed in the work, we rely on the following types of sources (the classification given is based on the nature of the source):
1. Textbooks on the history of the Kazakh SSR: Turlugilov T., Stories on the history of the Kazakh SSR, Manual for fifth grade, Alma-Ata, “Rauan”, 1991; Bekmakhanova N. E. History of the Kazakh SSR, textbook for grades 8-9, Alma-Ata, “Rauan”, 1991.
2. Textbooks on the history of the Republic of Kazakhstan: Akishev A.K., Asylbekov M.Kh., History of Kazakhstan from ancient times to the present day. Almaty, “Dauir”, 1993.
3. Textbooks on the history of the USSR: Pankratova A. M., History of the USSR, textbook for grade 10, Moscow, State educational and pedagogical publishing house of the Ministry of Education of the RSFSR, 1956; Nechkina M.V., Leibengrub P.S., textbook for 7th grade, Moscow, 1966; Berkhin I. B., Belenky M. I., Kim M. P. Textbook for secondary school, Moscow, “Enlightenment”, 1967.
4. Textbooks on the history of Russia: Danilova A. A., Kosulina L. G. History of Russia publishing house “Prosveshcheniye” and “Drofa”, 2005 edition.
Russian-Kazakh relations in textbooks of the Kazakh SSR
In Soviet literature on the history of the Kazakh SSR, the following is written about Russian-Kazakh connections for fifth-grade students:
“Ties between Kazakhstan and Russia began in the distant past. According to historical facts, they date back to the end of the 15th century. After the annexation of the Kazan and Siberian Khanates to Russia, the borders of Kazakhstan became closer to the borders of the Russian state. This helped improve their connections.
Both sides were interested in establishing friendly ties. At first, trade relations between them improved. If the Kazakhs supplied raw materials to Russia, especially animal products, then the Russians sold industrial goods. Russia also traded with Central Asia and the countries of the East. Trade caravans passed overland through the Kazakh steppes. Good relations with Kazakhstan created favorable conditions for the advancement of trade convoys to the east.
Ties with Russia also strengthened Kazakhstan’s external position, since it needed an ally to protect itself from enemies. Only Russia could become such an ally. »
This leitmotif, set in the fifth grade, corresponds to school literature on history in the Kazakh SSR in the 8th and 9th grades.
“In the first half of the 18th century, the process of voluntary accession of the Kazakhs to the Russian Empire began. In the 18th century there were no single state, but there were separate khanates, which included several clans. These khanates were in constant hostility, which prevented them from fighting foreign invaders. One of these khans was Abulkhair. One day he gathered everyone and said that the raids of foreigners who would invade their lands had become more frequent. To solve this problem, the majority decided that the whole world should come under Russian citizenship. “Only she, Russia, strong and powerful, can protect us from external enemies,” they decided. So, on October 30, 1730, envoys from Kazakhstan arrived in St. Petersburg, at the royal palace of the Russian Empress Anna Ioannovna. One of them approached and began to read:
“Most Serene Queen!
I, Abulkhair Khan, together with my people, ask Your Imperial Majesty to accept us among your subjects. We will always be submissive to Russia, we will live in friendship and peace with its peoples, together we will defend Russia from enemies.”
Empress Anna Ioanovna consulted with the courtiers and graciously accepted Abulkhair Khan's request. A year later, the empress's envoys arrived at the khan's headquarters. In 1731, Abulkhair Khan and his subjects swore an oath to voluntarily join Russia. Thus began the annexation of Kazakhstan to Russia.
“In the second half of the 19th century, the first mineral deposits were discovered in Kazakhstan. Trade has picked up. The development of the mining industry and trade contributed to the growth of cities. Cities such as Guryev, Semipalatinsk, Akmolinsk (now Astana), Shymkent were already large shopping centers at that time. Schools were opened in these cities, where, along with Russian boys, a few Kazakh children also studied.
The voluntary accession of Kazakhstan to Russia was of enormous progressive significance, since it met the vital interests of the Kazakh working people. In alliance with the Russians, the Nar auls of the Kalmyk and Bashkir feudal lords. And why, but because tsarism needed to strengthen its influence, and for this it was necessary to correspondingly weaken the influence of the local nobility, to resist the advance of the Kazakhs into Siberia, and it was much easier to do this with the wrong hands.
“The foreign policy situation of the Middle and Senior Zhuzes remained difficult. Despite the weakening of Dzungaria, Lama Dorja's khuntaiji launched new raids on Kazakh lands. Economic ties between Kazakhstan and Russia have strengthened. The number of Kazakh merchants who traded with Russia exceeded the number who traded with Central Asia. 217 thousand families traded with Central Asia, and 300 thousand families traded with Russia. Trading points appeared and fairs were held in large fortresses. The Russian government paid great attention to the development of grain trade with the Kazakhs, which was mutually beneficial and was supposed to accustom the Kazakhs to farming. In exchange for livestock and livestock raw materials, the Kazakhs received cotton fabrics, cloth, silk, velvet and metal products. In Khove, Bukhara and Tashkent they bought fabrics, horse harnesses, guns, and gunpowder.
The cities of Omsk and Ust-Kamenogorsk at that time were not only large shopping centers, but also cultural centers. Skilled artisans settled in the cities.
The Russian government begins building lines of military fortifications on the borders with Bashkiria and further south along the Yaik to the Caspian Sea. The Lower, Upper Yaitskaya and Orenburg lines were built. Linear fortresses were built according to the same plan and were usually located on the high right bank of the river, across which a floating bridge was thrown. The fortress was surrounded by an earthen rampart and a ditch. The fortress contained barracks, shops, residential buildings, and a church. The fortress walls had 5 gates and towers. Usually behind the rampart there were outbuildings and a barter yard. The fortresses most often housed service Cossacks, who carried out military service and took care of the household, providing themselves with everything they needed, as well as the local administration, merchants, artisans, and clergy.
At the request of Khan Ablai, 10 Russian peasants were sent to him to teach the Kazakhs how to farm. Following the example of Russian peasants, the Kazakhs of the northern and northwestern regions switched to haymaking
Already at this time, Russia began to explore and develop the territories and natural resources of Kazakhstan. The Ridder and Zyryanovskoe mineral deposits were discovered, where copper and lead were mined. Salt mines were developed on lakes Elston, Nizhny Baskunchak and in Iletsk.
The construction of new Russian settlements, roads, the development of trade and industry strengthened the ties between the working Kazakh and Russian peoples and contributed to the socio-economic and cultural rapprochement of the two states. »
In general, Kazakhstan's accession to Russia was a positive development. But the author of the textbook recalls that at the same time the Kazakh people were subjected to colonial oppression.
The issue of the participation of the Kazakh people against feudal oppression in alliance with the Russian people is examined in detail.
“Kazakh troops took part in the siege and organizational assault of not only small, but also large, well-fortified military fortresses: Orenburg, Yaitsk, Guryev, Orsk, Saratov and Penza.
The Kazakhs took part not only in the siege of fortresses, but also supplied Pugachev’s army with provisions and fodder, controlled roads, and fought with the tsarist troops on the outskirts of the city.
The performances of the Kazakhs in the initial period of the Peasant War can be considered as a spontaneous popular protest against the colonial policy of the autocracy. It is important to note that these performances took place without the participation of large feudal lords, who for the most part took a wait-and-see attitude, with the exception of Dusala Sultan, who supported Pugachev for selfish reasons. Pugachev, preparing the uprising, tried to raise it among the Kazakhs through the largest feudal lords and the khan. This is explained by the fact that Pugachev knew and took into account the influence of traditions in a nomadic society, he hoped. That through the steppe rulers it would be easier to achieve the support of the people. But Pugachev’s connections with the Kazakh feudal lords were limited. He established contacts with Nuraly Khan, the family of Dusaly Sultan, Sultans Auchuvak and Ablai. Pugachev met with Nuraly Khan twice. However, the khan remained loyal to the tsarist government.
After Pugachev left with his army for Bashkiria, some of the Kazakh troops remained in the Priyaitsky steppes, while others followed with the rebel army to the middle and lower Volga region. In August 1774, Pugachev’s army was defeated near Tsaritsyn, after which the Kazakh detachments scattered across the steppe, and some followed Pugachev down the Volga, where, melting on boats and swimming, they went to the Priyaitsky steppes.
The participation of the Kazakhs in the Peasant War in the summer and autumn of 1774 resulted in two parallel forms: a joint struggle with rebel detachments led by Pugachev, and an independent movement in the border region with the Nizhneyayaitsk, Krasnogorsk and Samara fortification lines.
The uprising in Kazakhstan flared up, its flames raged in the steppes for two years after the execution of E. Pugachev, and protests by the peasantry against local feudal lords became more frequent.
Tsarism managed to temporarily suppress the uprising with the most severe repressions. But since September 1775 it was revived again. The movement was led by a Kazakh woman, Sapara. She promised Pugachev's speedy return and urged him to continue the fight. She performed under the name Kuktemir or the Invisible Woman. But as a result of the betrayal of the feudal nobility, this movement was suppressed.
If before Pugachev’s uprising, Kazakh-Russian ties were mainly of a diplomatic and economic nature, then during the Peasant War of 1773-1775, the bonds of friendship between the peoples of Russia, who stood shoulder to shoulder for the first time against the oppression of the autocracy and the oppression of local feudal lords, strengthened. The Pugachev uprising and the participation of the Kazakhs in it once again clearly confirmed the importance of the rapprochement of the Kazakh and Russian peoples, the commonality of their destinies, and the progressiveness of Kazakhstan’s annexation to Russia. »
“Tsarism in Kazakhstan relied, on the one hand, on the colonial apparatus, on the other, on the feudal elite of Kazakh society. By attracting the feudal lords to its side, the tsarist government was forced to recognize the privileged position of part of the feudal-tribal nobility. Thus, sultans and biys were allowed to own winter and summer pastures as private property. They were also appointed to senior positions in the local administrative apparatus.
In order to consolidate its dominance in Kazakhstan, the tsarist government in 1882 issued the “Charter on the Siberian Kazakhs”, developed by M. M. Speransky, the governor of Western Siberia. The middle Kazakh zhuz began to be called the Region of the Siberian Kazakhs. According to this charter, the region was divided into internal and external districts located beyond the Irtysh, the districts into volosts and auls.
A total of 8 districts were opened. The charter abolished the khan's power and created a new administrative apparatus. The districts were subordinate to the Omsk regional government, at the head of the districts there were district orders with a senior sultan / aga-sultan / and two Russian assessors. The volost was headed by the volost sultan, the aul by the aul elder. The charter introduced an electoral system in the steppes and paid some attention to economic issues: the development of agriculture, industry and trade. The Charter contributed to strengthening the position of tsarism in the eastern part of Kazakhstan.
In 1824, the first major reform of the management of the Junior Kazakh Zhuz was carried out. The tsarist government abolished the khan's power in the zhuz. The territory of the zhuz began to be called the Region of the Orenburg Kazakhs, and was divided into three administrative parts - Eastern, Middle, Western, and those - into 56 distances. The tsarist government placed sultans at the head of the units, and remote commanders from the sultans and family nobility at the head of the distances. The new administrative system helped the tsarist government achieve partial settlement of the nomadic population, especially along the river. The Urals, which freed up the lands in Kazakhstan necessary for military-Cossack and peasant colonization from the interior regions of Russia.
In 1837, the tsarist government introduced a permanent tax in the Junior Zhuz - 1 ruble. 50 kopecks per year from each tent. In addition, the Kazakh population monitored the routes of communication and guarded trade caravans.
The strengthening of the power of tsarism in the Younger and Middle Ages was also expressed in a change in the previous judicial system. All the most important cases of treason, murder, robbery and profiteering were transferred to the tsarist military court, and only minor cases were left under the jurisdiction of the biys' court.
With the liquidation of the khan's power, only the sultan-rulers in the Younger and Middle Zhuz retained political power, but they acted under the control of the royal authorities; they were forbidden to collect taxes and enter into relations with the Central Asian khanates. The rights of the sultans over the Kazakh community and peasants were limited.
The special one has also disappeared social group Tyulenguts, who also formed the Khan’s military squad.
The tsarist government, having developed new judicial laws, limited the rights of biys.
The tsarist government published in the 19th century. decrees prohibiting the keeping of captives and slaves, which gradually led to the extinction of patriarchal slavery in Kazakhstan. Bai in the 19th century. conducted large trade and Rostavshi operations. They bought livestock in Kazakh villages and sent them to Russian fairs, where in return they purchased grain and industrial goods and sold them on the Kazakh steppe.
Despite the fact that the feudal lords were limited in their rights by tsarism, they remained large cattle owners and retained their economic power. The seizure of pastures by feudal lords worsened the situation of the peasants and led to the disintegration of the aul community. Ruined peasants - baygush - went to fishing and other industries, and were hired as shepherds by the rich. If previously ruined nomadic herders did not leave their community, now that Kazakhstan has become integral part Russian state, leaving to earn money has become possible. »
Leading figures of Russian science and culture have always respected the Kazakh people and their national dignity.
“The Decembrist movement also left its mark in Kazakhstan. Their most important documents - “Russian Truth” and “Constitution” - paid attention to the situation of “nomadic tribes”. Including Kazakhs. P. Pestel had historical materials about the annexation of Kazakhstan to Russia, the culture and life of the Kazakhs.
For most of the Decembrists, Kazakhstan was a transit point on their way to hard labor in Siberia. But some of the exiled Decembrists also lived in Kazakhstan. M. Muravyov-Apostol, S. Palitsyn, S. Semenov, A. Zhemchuzhnikov and others spent several years here. Despite the short stay of the Decembrists in Kazakhstan, their influence on the progressive part of local society was enormous. The Decembrists had a beneficial effect on the development of freedom-loving ideas here.
The activities of the Orenburg secret society in the mid-20s of the 19th century can be considered as a practical result of the response in Kazakhstan to the Decembrist uprising. The views of the members of this society as a whole largely corresponded to the ideas of the Decembrists, which emphasized the commonality of thoughts and aspirations of all the leading minds of the country. »
In 1833, A.S. Pushkin visited the Kazakh steppes. He was interested in the participation of the Kazakhs in the uprising of Emelyan Pugachev, as well as the ethnography and poetry of the Kazakh people. At the request of A.S. Pushkin, the Kazakh poem “Kozy-Korpesh and Bayan-Sulu” was written down for him in short Russian.
“Taras Grigoryevich Shevchenko, the great singer of the Ukrainian people, played a significant role in introducing the Kazakh people to the advanced Russian democratic culture. He was exiled to Kazakhstan, where he served as a simple soldier. T. G. Shevchenko was friends with the Kazakhs of the surrounding villages, observed the life and everyday life of the Kazakh poor. He then described and depicted his observations in drawings. Shevchenko sculpted a lot from clay. The main theme is the life of the Kazakhs. Truthfully and passionately described T.G. Shevchenko exploitation. The Kazakh people from “their own” and Russian oppressors. The difficult situation of the Kazakh people is especially vividly depicted in the ancient folk legend “God had an ax behind the door”, processed by T. N. Shevchenko, reproduced by him in 1885 in the story “Twins”.
In the 30-40s, the prominent Russian scientist and writer V.I. Dal lived and worked in Kazakhstan. He quickly gained authority among the Kazakhs. It is no coincidence that Isatai Taimanov and Makhambet Utemsov asked to send Dahl to investigate the causes of the uprising in the Bukeev Horde. In 1839-184, V.I. Dal, being a participant in the Khiva campaign, visited the river. Emba and in the Northern Aral Sea region. In his letters. Written from the campaign, there are many warm words about the Kazakhs and their friendliness.
Dahl continued to conduct scientific research and talked with the Kazakhs. /he knew the Kazakh language, collected ethnographic materials, wrote down poems, songs, and fairy tales. Dahl's stories on Kazakh themes were highly appreciated by V. G. Belinsky.
Scientists A. Bekovich-Cherkassky, V. Urusov, L. Meyer studied in detail the geography of the Caspian Sea and the adjacent areas. Scientists I. Georgi and I. Falk, A. Levshin and P. Rychkov collected historical and geographical information about Kazakhstan that has not lost its significance to this day. G. Karelin studied the flora and fauna of the western Kazakh steppe and left interesting records about the population of the Bukeyev horde.
In 1813 in Omsk and in 1825 in Orenburg, military schools were created, then transformed into cadet corps. The children of the Kazakh feudal nobility studied here together with the Russians. In addition to the Military Odom, the Kazakhs found reliable support in the fight against the invaders. Close fraternal ties between the two peoples became even stronger in the future, in the struggle against common enemies, and contributed to the development of the economic and cultural life of the Kazakhs. The celebration of the 250th anniversary of the voluntary accession of Kazakhstan to Russia in 1982 resulted in a vivid demonstration of the unity and friendship of the two fraternal peoples.”
The question of Kazakhstan’s entry into Russia could not be interpreted otherwise, since the textbooks were written during the triumph of socialism, the USSR is a multinational family of fraternal peoples who support each other in difficult periods of history.
History of Kazakhstan Bekmakhanova N. E. for grades 8-9. Examines Russian-Kazakh ties since the 15th century, thereby pointing to longer good neighborly relations between Russia and Kazakhstan. “Sultans Janibek and Girey and their sons Burunduk /1480-1511/ and Kasym, /1511-1520/ extended their influence beyond Semirechye and Central and Southern Kazakhstan.
During the heyday of the Kazakh Khanate, under Khan Kasym, diplomatic ties were established with Russia. At that time, the Russians knew of the Kazakhs as a brave steppe people who heroically defended themselves against the warlike rulers of Bukhara and the Siberian Khanate.
Even then, Kazakhstan ceased to be a transshipment base for goods traveling from the East to Russia and back. From the middle of the 19th century. sailing ships sailed twice a year between Astrakhan and the Karaganda pier on Mangyshlak. Russian caravans of boats (boats) also went up the Irtysh.
Overland trade caravans passed through Kazakhstan from the banks of the Urals, through the sands of the Aral Sea region and Kyzylkum to Bukhara. The roads to Siberia lay through the city of Turkestan, along the Sarysu, Ishim and Irtysh rivers.
Russian merchants supplied the Kazakhs with bread, fabrics, clothing, iron and wood products. Central Asian merchants brought silk fabrics, dried fruits, and weapons.
After the capture of Kazan by Russian soldiers in the middle of the 16th century and the surrender of Astrakhan to them without resistance, diplomatic relations between Kazakhstan and Russia intensified.
The annexation of Western Siberia to Russia created favorable conditions for the further development of Kazakh-Russian relations. To strengthen these ties, the Russian government built the city of Tara on the river in 1594. Tara, which protected the Kazakhs from enemy attacks.”
The textbook gives the task “How did Russian-Kazakh relations develop in the 16th century? Fill out the table “Russian-Kazakh relations”, which examines all aspects of relations: diplomatic, military-political, economic, cultural.
“The Dzungarian military-feudal state arose in the 30s of the 17th century. in Western Mongolia. The head of the state was khuntaiji/khan/. The population was engaged in nomadic cattle breeding. Dzungaria was a militarily strong state. The Dzungarian army during the campaigns numbered up to 100 thousand soldiers.
Kazakh educational scientist Chokan Valikhanov said that the period of the Dzungar invasion was a “terrible time” in the life of the Kazakhs: Pursued everywhere by the ferocious Dzungars, the Kirghiz, like herds of frightened saigas, flee to the south, leaving their property, children, old people, household belongings and emaciated cattle, and stop: the Middle Horde - near Samarkand, the Small Horde - in Khiva and Bukhara. Not finding pastures in the Central Asian steppes and having entered into hostility with new neighbors, they turn to the borders of powerful Russia to seek its help and protection.”
But the courage and courage of the Kazakh warriors, their individual victories over the Dzungars did not completely break the power of Dzungaria. The threat of a renewed invasion was not eliminated. Foreign policy danger hampered the development of the economy and culture of Kazakhstan. The only way out that the Kazakhs saw in this difficult situation for them was to accept Russian citizenship. Abulkhair and his entourage understood that without Russian support, Kazakhstan would not be able to get rid of Dzungar enslavement. Therefore, they turned to Russia for help. »
Their history of Siberia, I know that the Dzungars invaded the territory of Siberia and raided Russian fortresses, in particular, one of the reasons for the construction of the Omsk fortress will also be the fight against the Dzungars.
“In the 17th century. Russia has already developed as centralized state. At this time, the borders of the Russian state in the east significantly expanded and strengthened, and ties with Kazakhstan strengthened.
At the beginning of the 17th century. Oirot tribes, immigrants from Western Mongolia, invaded the regions of Northern and Western Kazakhstan. They seized trade routes from Russia to Central Asia. Tsar Fyodor Ivanovich took measures to secure the caravan routes and invited the Tobolsk governor to negotiate with Khan Ablai on a joint fight against the Oirots.
Negotiations were held between the Russian government and the Kazakh khans to expand trade. So, in October 1694, Tauke agreed with Peter 1 through the envoy T.K. Atalykov to strengthen friendly relations with Russia and strengthen trade ties. The Tsar well understood the importance of Kazakhstan for the development of trade with Central Asia, Iran, India and China. He pointed out that Kazakhstan is the key and gateway to the development of Russian trade in the East. Under Peter the Great, several embassies visited Kazakhstan, headed by A. Nepripasov, V. Kobyakov, F. Skibin and M. Troshin.
Russia at this time is showing great interest in Kazakhstan. The study of the territory of the Kazakh steppes began. The areas beyond the Yaik River, between the Caspian and Aral Seas, were examined. The route from Siberia to Lake Yamyshevskoe, where salt was mined, was mastered. Border lines were created on the approaches to Kazakhstan. They were usually built along the large rivers Yaik, Irtysh and others. The lines consisted of fortresses and pickets. Large fortresses were built of stone or mud brick, the fortress was surrounded by a moat, small fortresses were surrounded by an earthen rampart or fences coated with clay. Outposts and pickets are usually small buildings where there was an observation tower, a beacon - a haystack, which was set on fire when the enemy approached and served as a means of signaling.
In 1716 the Omsk fortress was built, later - the Semipalatinsk fortress,
Ust-Kamenogorskaya and others. These cities became economic centers, through which Russia traded with Kazakhstan and Central Asia.
The voluntary annexation of the Junior Zhuz to Russia was formalized by a charter from Anna Ioannovna dated February 19, 1731, in which it was stated that the Kazakhs were accepted into Russian citizenship at their request.
A Russian embassy of 60 people, headed by A. Tevkelev, an experienced diplomat and expert in oriental languages, was sent to Abulkhair’s khan’s headquarters. He was accompanied by S. Kaydagulov and K. Koshtaev. On October 10, 1731, Tevkelev swore an oath of allegiance to Russia to the residents of the Younger Zhuz. They pledged to remain forever loyal to Russia, live in peace with their neighbors and ensure the safety of caravans passing through the Kazakh steppes.
In 1731, the Middle Zhuz began to join Russia. Khan of the Middle Zhuz Semeke sent his representative to A. Tevkelev for negotiations on accepting Russian citizenship. Together with Khan Semeke, part of the clans of the Middle Zhuz took the oath of Russian citizenship.
At the same time, the Sultans and Biys of the Senior Zhuz addressed a letter to Anna Ioanovna, where they asked to accept them into Russian citizenship. On April 20, 1734, Anna Ioannovna signed a letter that said: “We deign to accept you into our citizenship under the same conditions / conditions / on which Abulkhair Khan was accepted into our citizenship.” But the taking of the oath by the population and the final annexation of this part of Kazakhstan to Russia occurred later.
With the help of Russia, the Kazakh people freed themselves from Dzungar enslavement. Russia, as a more advanced state compared to Kazakhstan, had a positive influence on the development of the economy and culture of the Kazakhs. After the annexation of Kazakhstan to Russia, the transition of the Kazakh population to sedentism and agriculture intensified, trade with Russia expanded, and feudal civil strife noticeably weakened.
The accession of Kazakhstan to Russia was of a progressive nature. But we must not forget that gradually Kazakhstan became a colony of the Russian Empire. Kazakhs began to pay taxes. The tsarist government used the Kazakh khans to suppress the Bashkir and Kalmyk uprisings. »
The appendix contains fragments of documents taken from the collection of documents “Kazakh-Russian relations in the 16th – 18th centuries. Alma-Ata, 1961. Documents 6, 24, 25, 45, 72,” from the analysis of which it is clear that the thoughts of the Russian tsars were indeed aimed at protecting the peoples of Kazakhstan, but the benefits of such cooperation were also stated for Russia.
But Russia has always pursued its own goals, and if its goals did not coincide with the goals of other peoples, then Russia defended, first of all, its interests, and this can be seen in several phrases of the textbook in question: as a result of ethnic hatred incited by tsarism between neighboring peoples, raids on Kazakh objects have become more frequent , they studied mathematics, mineralogy, zoology, botany, forestry and oriental languages. »
“The need to complete the annexation of the Senior Zhuz to Russia was determined by economic and political reasons. The Kazakhs have long maintained economic ties with Russia, which grew stronger from year to year. Strengthening ties between Russia and Kazakhstan led to the completion of the process of Kazakhstan's accession to Russia.
Before its annexation to Russia, the territory of the Senior Zhuz was divided into separate feudal possessions, headed by sultans who fought among themselves. These endless strife ruined the Kazakh peasants and did not allow them to successfully fight against their enslavement by the Kokand Khanate. It was possible to escape the Kokand yoke only by accepting Russian citizenship.
In 1819, the Kazakhs who lived between the Ili and Karatal rivers swore allegiance to Russia; in 1845, the Kazakhs of the Kapal region followed their example. In 1846, the Kazakh clans of the Senior Zhuz - Jalair, Usuni, Dulats and others - accepted Russian citizenship.
Among the Kazakhs there is a growing awareness that Russian citizenship will make possible changes in their economy.
By the 50s of the 19th century. became part of Russia most of lands of the Middle Zhuz, but its southern regions with the cities of Merke, Aulie-Ata, Chimkent were still under the rule of Kokand. To further advance into Southern Kazakhstan, as well as to ensure the safety of the Kazakhs from attack by Kokand troops, the tsarist authorities were building military fortifications. In the 40s of the XIX century. Kapal, Sergipol, Lepsinsk were built. In 1854, a fortification was erected in the Almaty tract, which received the name Vernoe. The convenient geographical location of the fortress contributed to its transformation into a center of lively trade. The first Kazakh scientist and educator Chokan Valikhanov worked here. Major Russian scientists visited Verny.
The settlement of the lands of the Senior Zhuz by Russian and Ukrainian settlers began. They lived together, contrary to the intentions and desires of tsarism and the Kazakh feudal lords. The Kazakhs adopted cultural and everyday skills, methods of field cultivation, gardening, beekeeping and gardening from the settlers.
The Russian troops were given the task of liberating the southern regions of the Senior Zhuz from Kokand domination. The annexation of the Senior Zhuz to Russia met with strong opposition from the Kokand Khan and part of the Kazakh feudal lords.
In the fall of 1860, without waiting for the Russian troops to appear, the Kokand Khan sent a 20,000-strong army to capture the fortifications of Verny. Russian troops completely defeated the enemy. In this battle, Kazakh soldiers also fought shoulder to shoulder with Russian soldiers. Residents of Kazakh villages supplied the troops with food and fodder. This victory was important for the liberation of Semirechye from Kokand domination and increased the prestige of Russia in the eyes of the Kazakhs.
In the 50-60s of the XIX century. , when the Anglo-Russian struggle for Central Asia intensified, the peoples of the region began to gravitate more and more towards Russia, with which they had long had economic and political ties. At the same time, the tsarist government decided to finally subjugate the Central Asian khanates. Russian landowners and capitalists needed new lands, markets and sources of raw materials.
The attack on Central Asia by the tsar's troops began from two sides - from the side of the form of Perovsky / now the city of Kzyl-Orda / and the city of Verny. Moving from the direction of Verny, they captured the Kokand fortresses of Merke, Aulie-Ata and Turkestan without much effort.
The tsarist government attached great importance to the city of Tashkent as a major commercial and political center of Central Asia. For several days, stubborn battles for the city took place between the royal troops and the troops of the Kokand Khan. Finally, the tsarist troops managed to occupy Tashkent, which was annexed to Russia.
Another part of the tsarist troops, moving from the side in Perovsky’s form, entered the Bukhara Emirate in 1866. The Emir of Bukhara and the Khan of Kokand were forced to recognize the power of Russia over themselves.
To manage the territory of Central Asia and Kazakhstan, newly annexed to Russia, the Turkestan Governor-General was formed in 1868, with its center in Tashkent. It included part of the southern regions of Kazakhstan with the cities of Aulie-Atoy, Chimkent and Turkestan. Thus, the process of annexing the entire territory of Kazakhstan to Russia was completed.
In the spring of 1873, tsarist troops occupied the Khanate of Khiva without a fight. Khan recognized himself as a vassal of Russia. Thus, the entire territory of Khiva and Kokand became part of the Russian Empire.
Tsarism established a colonial regime in the newly annexed territories of Kazakhstan. Kazakh peasants had to pay taxes to the royal treasury and perform various duties: build roads and bridges, supply camels for transportation building materials and other cargo. A lot of irrigated land was taken away from the peasants. In general, despite the colonialist policies of tsarism, the annexation of Kazakhstan to Russia had a progressive significance. Only by joining Russia did the Kazakh people escape enslavement from outsiders.
Russia was at a higher level of economic development. Under the influence of the advanced economy of Russia, industry began to emerge in Kazakhstan, cities grew and railways were built, and the formation of national cadres of the working class and bourgeoisie began.
After joining Russia, the penetration of commodity-money relations into the nomadic economy of Kazakhstan increased, and therefore the decomposition of patriarchal-feudal foundations began. Kazakhstan received the opportunity to sell its agricultural products to Russia. Agriculture began to develop faster in Kazakhstan, and the population began to settle down.
The inclusion of Kazakhstan into Russia created favorable conditions for the development of Kazakh democratic culture and progressive social thought.
However, the main defining phenomenon in the social life of Kazakhstan was the involvement of the working people of the Kazakh steppe in the liberation revolutionary struggle of the Russian proletariat. From the point of view of the general historical perspective, it was not indifferent to the Kazakh people which state they would be part of. The Russian state turned out to be precisely the state that was rapidly moving toward revolution, so the prospect of liberating the working Kazakhs from social and national oppression was close. Karl Mark wrote in 1877: “Russia has long been on the eve of a revolution; All the elements for this are already ready; the revolution will begin in this East.”
Summing up the completion of Kazakhstan’s accession to Russia in mid-19th V. We come to the conclusion that, despite the policy of colonial oppression and national strife pursued by Russian tsarism, the annexation of Kazakhstan to Russia contributed to the formation and development of friendship between the Kazakh people and the peoples of multinational Russia.
“To consolidate its dominance in Kazakhstan, the tsarist government in the 60s of the XIX century. carried out a number of reforms.
In July 1867, the tsar signed the “Temporary Regulations” on the administration of the Semirechensk and Syrdarya regions, which were part of the Turkestan General Government. In October 1868, a “Temporary Regulation” on the management of the steppe regions was adopted. As a result of these reforms, the entire territory of Kazakhstan was divided into 6 regions: Turgai, Ural, Akmola, Semipalatinsk, Syrdarya, Semirechensk. The internal /Bukeyevskaya/ horde was subordinated to the Astrakhan province. The Mangyshlak police station was subordinate to the Caucasian Military District. Syrdarya and Semirechensk regions became part of the Turkestan Governor General with centers in Tashkent, Akmola and Semipalatinsk regions became part of the Steppe Governor General with centers in Omsk.
According to these “Regulations”, all regions of Kazakhstan were divided into counties, and counties into volosts and auls. Governors, vested with military and administrative power, were placed at the head of the region, and district chiefs were placed at the head of the counties. They had troops and police at their disposal. Representatives of the feudal-bai nobility, who had proven themselves in the service, were elected to the lower administrative positions of the volost ruler and aul elder. The elections were held under the supervision of the royal authorities.
Volosts and auls were formed on a territorial basis; clan division was not taken into account. This weakened clan ties and increased the population’s dependence on the royal authorities.
The colonial administration made great changes to legal proceedings. Now criminal and political cases were dealt with by the royal court on the basis of all-Russian laws. Only family and marriage matters, small claims and litigation were left to the court of biys. The position of biy became elective and depended on the will of the tsarist administration. The biys did not receive a salary; their reward was a fine levied on the perpetrator.
According to the “Temporary Regulations”, all Kazakh lands became the property of the autocratic state and began to be called state lands. The trailer tax was doubled: from 1 ruble 50 kopecks to 3 rubles. 50 kopecks from a wagon per year. »
Russian-Kazakh relations in textbooks History of the USSR
The mention of Central Asia as a territory part of the USSR dates back to the period of the primitive communal system.
“In the steppe areas of the Black Sea region, the Caspian region, Altai and Central Asia, people began to move from breeding a small number of domestic animals to nomadic cattle breeding. Roaming from place to place, tribes of cattle breeders provided their herds with good grass, and they themselves had constant supplies of milk and meat.
Since ancient times, the ancestors of the modern peoples of our country - Tajiks, Turkmen, Uzbeks, Kazakhs, Kyrgyz - lived on the territory of Central Asia.
In the steppes of Southern Kazakhstan and Central Asia in the 1st millennium BC. e. lived nomadic herders.
The riches of Central Asia attracted many conquerors.
In the VI century. BC e. The Persian king's army of thousands invaded Central Asia. The nomadic tribes offered especially strong resistance to him. With great difficulty, the Persian invaders managed to subjugate Central Asia to their power. They divided the entire territory of the country into separate satrapy regions. At the head of each was the governor of the Persian king, the satrap. The conquerors robbed the population and exacted countless taxes.
In the 4th century. before i. e. The army of Alexander the Great invaded Central Asia. The banner of that ancient commander had to spend almost three years to conquer Central Asia.
The history of the peoples of Central Asia knows many examples of selfless struggle against foreign conquerors. More than once the population of Central Asia fell under the rule of neighboring states.
In difficult conditions, the peoples of Central Asia developed their economy and culture: they built numerous irrigation canals, built cities, improved various crafts, and laid trade routes.
Since ancient times, the peoples of Central Asia had connections with the Greeks, Iranians, Indians, and Chinese and borrowed a lot from each other. Silk was transported from China through Central Asia to distant Rome. From Rome and Byzantium, crystal and products made of thin multi-colored glass were brought to the East. Ferghana weapons and vessels made of silver and gold were famous. The Chinese learned from the peoples of Central Asia how to grow grapes. Cotton culture came from India to Central Asia. Cotton fabrics from Central Asia even reached Rome. The peoples of Central Asia made a great contribution to the development of the culture of many countries of the ancient East. »
We do not find more information about the relations between Russia and the peoples of Kazakhstan throughout the entire textbook, that is, until the end of the 18th century.
During the 19th century, I did not find a textbook on the history of the USSR. But there are two textbooks for the 20th century. In which the relations of Russia with Kazakhstan and the USSR with the Kazakh SSR are examined in a very politicized way, from a Marxist-Leninist position.
The first mention of the existence of these relations concerns the issue of education and science.
“The needs of developing capitalism and increasing economic and political relations with other European states forced the tsarist government to slightly increase the insignificant state expenditures for educational needs.
Only 21% of Tsarist Russia was literate by the beginning of the 20th century. In national regions, the literacy rate was even lower: in Transcaucasia - 12%, in Central Asia - about 5%. Entire peoples - Bashkirs, Kyrgyz, Turkmens, Yakuts - were almost entirely illiterate. As Lenin put it, the masses were literally robbed of education, light and knowledge.
Higher educational institutions of pre-revolutionary Russia were, with few exceptions, inaccessible to working people. On the outskirts inhabited by non-Russian peoples in Central Asia, there was not a single higher educational institution. »
Particular attention was paid to the national outskirts in covering events from the history of Soviet power.
“Declaration of the Rights of the Peoples of Russia” The struggle of oppressed nationalities for their liberation facilitated and accelerated the victory of the Great October Socialist Revolution. The Bolshevik Party could now begin to implement its program on the national question. The main principles of Soviet nationality policy were proclaimed by the “Declaration of the Rights of the Peoples of Russia”, signed by Lenin and Stalin on November 2, 1917. »
“At the end of 1918, Soviet power was established in most of Kazakhstan. But in the spring of 1919, during Kolchak’s offensive, Kazakh nationalists carried out a counter-revolutionary coup and shot Soviet leaders led by Amangeldy Imanov, the people’s hero of Kazakhstan. »
“Thundering Kolchak and Dutov, the Red Army came to the aid of the Kazakh people in their liberation. The commander of the Turkestan Front, M.V. Frunze, appealed to the working people of Kazakhstan to create their own Soviets and support the Red Army, which brings freedom and independence to the Kazakh people. In July 1919, a Revolutionary Committee was created to govern Kazakhstan, which formed the bodies of Soviet power. Counter-revolutionary revolts of the Ural, Orenburg and Semirechensk Cossacks cut off Central Asia (Turkestan) from Soviet Russia. In Turkestan during this period, a counter-revolutionary movement of local feudal-Bai elites - the Basmachi - arose. The British imperialists and White Guards who occupied the Trans-Caspian region sought to unite with the White Cossacks, Kolchakites and Basmachis and seize Soviet Turkestan. The situation in Soviet Turkestan during the civil war was very difficult. The supply of bread stopped. The Basmachi robbed and destroyed villages. The Red Army soldiers of Turkestan were poorly armed.
The government of Soviet Russia sent Red Army units, military equipment and food to help the working people of Turkestan.
Having defeated the remnants of Kolchak’s southern army and liberated Kazakhstan, Frunze gave the order to his armies to join the Red Army of Turkestan. »
“The national policy of the Communist Party, which led to the emancipation of previously oppressed nationalities, helped the peoples of Central Asia overcome interethnic strife and led to the strengthening of the Soviet republics of Central Asia. This created favorable conditions for the defeat of the Basmachi gangs. The peoples of Central Asia began to live a peaceful life.
In 1927, in the arid deserts of Kazakhstan, construction began on Turksib, a railway track that was supposed to connect the grain and forest regions of Siberia with the cotton regions of Central Asia. »
The era of collectivization touched upon with a meager line: “the second group of grain regions - Ukraine, the Central Black Earth Region, Siberia, the Urals, Kazakhstan, was supposed to complete collectivization in the spring of 1932.”
The process of industrialization is covered more comprehensively, but still pathetically: “the industrialization of previously backward national republics was successfully carried out. In Central Asia and Transcaucasia, in the steppes of Kyrgyzstan and Kazakhstan, in remote northern regions, factories and plants, power plants, machine and tractor stations and state farms arose. In all national republics and regions, new industries were created, personnel were trained to manage and direct the economic life of the country. As a result of the successes of socialism in the national republics, achieved with the fraternal help of the Russian people, the friendship of peoples grew and strengthened, which is one of the most powerful driving forces of the new, socialist society. »
On the issue of state-territorial structure, we only find scant information in the Constitution of 1936: “The Kazakh Autonomous Republic, previously part of the RSFSR, was transformed into an independent Soviet socialist republic and joined the USSR. »
The apogee of the development of Soviet-Kazakh relations can be the letter from the marker of the Red Proletarian plant, Baymurzaev, “My Kazakh Republic.”
The life of the Kazakh people was bitter and powerless. He experienced a double yoke. He was oppressed by Russian colonialists and local rich people - bai.
Kazakhs were not considered people. They led a nomadic lifestyle. Their only occupation was cattle breeding. There were small copper mines in the region, but they were rapaciously exploited by Russian industrialists.
Nationalities in Tsarist Russia couldn't study. Our vast region did not have a single school. Kazakhs were not even accepted into the army.
Only under Soviet rule did the oppressed nationalities gain freedom and rights. Kazakhstan is now a thriving region. The new Constitution, taking into account the economic, cultural and political development of the Kazakh Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic, establishes Kazakhstan as an independent union republic.
The industry of Kazakhstan is growing at an unprecedented pace. During the first five-year plan, the Turkestan-Siberian Railway was built and put into operation. The republic fuels the country's industry with coal, oil, and extracts non-ferrous metals. In Karaganda there is a coal basin, in Ridder there is a copper smelter, and in Emba there is oil production. Cattle breeding was widely developed. The Kazakh people under Soviet rule began to engage in agriculture for the first time.
The Kazakhs put an end to nomadism forever. Cities bloom and strengthen. Alma-Ata in the old days was a small village. Now it is a large comfortable city, the center of the republic. In Kzyl-Orda there were previously clay buildings, but now brick houses, a cultural park have been erected, clubs, theaters, power plants, hospitals, and schools have been built. Young people study in pedagogical institute and technical schools.
The peoples of Kazakhstan are acquiring knowledge and becoming familiar with culture. Over 80% of the population is literate. Schools are taught at native language, at the same time, Kazakhs study European languages. »
“About 500 thousand young men and women have declared their desire to go to distant and uninhabited places to raise virgin soil. By the spring of 1954, about 150 thousand volunteers were on site. Thousands of tractors moved across land that had not been plowed for centuries. By August 1954 in Kazakhstan, Siberia, Southern Urals, in the Volga region more than 14 million hectares of virgin soil were raised. Over 425 new state farms - large grain factories - were created on large lands. As a result of the development of virgin lands, the Kazakh Republic became one of the main breadbaskets of the Soviet Union. »
Russian-Kazakh relations in textbooks of the Republic of Kazakhstan
The authors of “The History of Kazakhstan from Ancient Times to the Present Day” consider Kazakh-Russian relations from the moment of the formation of the ancient Russian state, thereby emphasizing the historical age public education Kazakhs. “The Oguz state played an important role in the political and military history of Eurasia. In 965, in alliance with Kievan Rus, they defeated the Khazar Kaganate, the eastern borders of which in the middle of the 10th century. reached the northeastern coast of the Caspian Sea. In 985, the Oghuz Jabgu, together with the Russian princes, inflicted a major defeat on Volga Bulgaria.
The division of the Ulus of Jochi into two parts dates back to the time of Batu - the right and left wings, in fact into two different state units. At the head of the right wing /ulus/ was Batu himself and his successors. At the head of the left wing is the eldest son of Jochi Orda /Orda-Ichen/. The left wing included most of the territory of Kazakhstan.
South-Eastern Kazakhstan became the center where the borders of the three largest Mongolian uluses converged. The territory of Semirechye turned out to be politically torn between them: the northern part adjacent to Balkhash went to the Jochi ulus: the southern part became part of the Chagatai ulus: the northeastern outskirts of Semirechye formed an important part of the Ogedey ulus. The main headquarters of the ulus khans were located in Semirechye.
Khanate of Abulkhair. As a result of the collapse of the Ak-Horde and the strife of the Jochids, the khanate of the most powerful of them, Abulkhair Khan, became isolated in the steppe spaces of Kazakhstan. In 1428, Abulkhair managed to create an independent khanate and retain power for 40 years on the vast steppe territory of Kazakhstan. The territory of the Khanate of Abulkhair extended from Yaik (Ural) to Balkhash in the east, from the lower reaches of the Syr Darya and the Aral Sea in the south to the middle reaches of the Tobol and Irtysh in the north. The ethnic composition of the population of the Khanate was as complex as the composition of the population of the Ak-Orda. These were Turkic tribes mainly of Kipchak and Karluk origin, also Turkicized Mongolian. Somewhat later, many of the ethnic groups became known as the tribes of the Kazakh Middle Zhuz. The Khanate of Abulkhair was divided into several ethno-territorial, ethno-political groups, possessions (uluses) led by Genghisids of different lines and the top of nomadic tribes. The entire period of Abulkhair's reign was filled with strife and wars. The reasons for this were:
1) Lack of strong ties between individual parts of the state;
2) Constant dynastic feuds and strife over the division of territory;
3) Resistance to exploitation and oppression on the part of ordinary nomads, expressed in the migration of masses of people to other territories. All this weakened the Khanate of Abulkhair and led to its collapse.
The Nogai Horde was one of the large state associations that arose during the collapse of the Golden Horde; it was the Nogai Horde. It occupied part of the territory of Western Kazakhstan. Initially, from the end of the 14th century, this association of tribes between the Urals and Volga was called the “Mangyt Yurt”. The Nogai Horde finally became isolated by the middle of the 15th century, strengthening under the son of Edyge (Principal of the isolation of the Nogai Horde) Nurad-Din (1426-1440).
A stable ulus system of political organization of power and administration has developed in the Nogai Horde. The prince in the Horde had hereditary power, military, diplomatic, administrative, the Horde consisted of uluses. At the head of the uluses were the Murzas.
In the 16th century, trade and economic ties between the Nogai Horde and the Russian state were established. But after the annexation of the Kazan and Astrakhan khanates to Russia (previously part of the Nogai Horde), as well as due to civil strife among the Nogai ruling family, the Nogai Horde split into several independent Hordes. Part of its population on the territory of Kazakhstan became part of the Junior Zhuz of the Kazakhs. »
In political history, special emphasis is placed on preparing the prerequisites for the formation of statehood among the peoples of Kazakhstan. Russia is seen as a factor contributing to the development of trade and cities.
“The contradictory information from sources about the lands of the Kazakh Khanate reflects the successes and failures of its rulers in the struggle to strengthen power at different stages of the development of this state. The rulers of the Khanate pursued an independent foreign policy; their subjects had peaceful contacts, economic and cultural ties with neighboring peoples and countries of Central Asia, and with the Russian state. Often these relations were interrupted by short raids and protracted wars. During military actions, the struggle for border lands, migrations of tribes and clans often changed, but ultimately, state and ethnic territories of the peoples of the region were formed. It is important to note that the Kazakh khans gathered together lands that had already been prepared for a common statehood and unification through long ethnopolitical and economic-cultural development.
A new phenomenon in transit trade of the second half in the XV-XVIII centuries. , there was the establishment of trade relations between Central Asia and Russia through the Kazakh steppes and Turkestan cities. Trade with Russia is becoming important factor in the development of Kazakhstani cities. »
The accession of Kazakhstan to Russia was preceded by significant political ties between them. The Russian state showed interest in expanding its state borders in the East. As state power centralized and strengthened, the possibilities for trade exchanges and other forms of relationships with peoples neighboring the eastern states increased significantly.
“Ivan IV’s conquest of the Kazan/1552/, Astrakhan/1556/ khanates, South-Western Siberia, and the establishment of the Kama trade route facilitated direct contact with the Kazakh Khanate. The interest of the Russian state in Kazakhstan especially grew from the 2nd half of the 15th-16th centuries. after the establishment of trade and diplomatic relations between Russia and the Central Asian khanates.
The Russian state, interested in the development of transit trade routes with the Central Asian khanates through Kazakhstan and striving to ensure the safety of the passage of merchant caravans, showed a keen interest in the political situation and relations of the Kazakh khanates with neighboring countries. Therefore, the Moscow sovereigns sought to establish direct ties with the Kazakh khans. Embassy connections played a big role in this. In 1573, a Russian embassy led by Tretyak Chebukov was sent to the Kazakh steppe. The embassy had the task of establishing trade with the Kazakhs. However, Chebukov's diplomatic mission did not reach the borders of Kazakhstan, as it was exterminated by the nephew of the Siberian Khan Kuchum Mametkul. In 1577, the Russian ambassador Boris Domozhirov, who returned from the Nogai Horde, stated that the Kazakh khan, who was then threatening the Nogai and had connections with Tashkent and Urgench, was with “the king and the grand duke in peace.” In 1594, the first Kazakh embassy arrived in Moscow. The envoy of Khan Tauekel Kul-Muhammad had instructions to release his nephew Uraz-Muhammad, who was in Moscow as an “amanat,” i.e., a hostage, and to conclude a friendly agreement with the Russian government. In addition, he had to obtain from Boris Godunov a “firefighter” to fight the neighboring warring feudal khanates. The Russian state, which achieved at the end of the XV-XVI centuries. noticeable successes in economic and political development, encouraged trade on the eastern borders of the country, having, of course, political goals. In the charter of Ivan IV the Terrible, Yakov and Grigory Stroganov dated May 30, 1574 were allowed to trade with the peoples of Kazakhstan and Central Asia.
Both sides were equally interested in trade and economic relations. Through barter, the Kazakhs acquired household items and firearms, and the Russians received from them various raw materials and livestock. The Russian state needed allies in the fight against the descendants of Kuchum, unhindered access to the markets of Central Asia, and the security of caravan routes running through the territory of Kazakhstan. The Kazakhs, subjected to constant devastating raids by the Central Asian khanates, were interested in expanding contacts with Moscow. To ensure the security of trade relations with Kazakhstan, Siberia, and Central Asia, the Russian state began intensive construction of fortified fortresses on the border with Kazakhstan.
The first Russian city in Western Siberia, located near the borders of Kazakhstan, was the “Great Ob Town” on the right bank of the river. Ob at the confluence of the river. Irtysh. During its existence in 1594. it served as a starting point for the further advance of Russian military detachments deep into Siberia to the borders of Kazakhstan. Then Tyumen/1586/, Tobolsk/1587/, Taru/1594/, Tomsk/1604/ were built.
The Kazakh Khanate also showed interest in establishing trusting relations with the Russian state, seeking to strengthen its international positions in the face of a growing external threat.
The formation of the Dzungar Khanate brought significant changes to Central Asia. Tauke Khan constantly sought to strengthen the borders of his state. Thuke's favorable attitude towards Russia was due to an attempt to strengthen the position of Kazakhstan by maintaining ties with Russia. In 1687, a Kazakh embassy headed by Batyr Tashim was sent to Tobolsk with instructions to invite Russian merchants to Kazakhstan. The mission included Kazakh traders who intended to clear the way for economic ties with the Russian state through Siberian cities. In 1689 - beginning. 1690 Another embassy was sent to Tobolsk. However, the ties were not formalized legally by signing specific mutually beneficial agreements. What was due to the desire of the Kazakh owners to maintain the independent state of the Khanate, and on the other hand, the position of Russia, occupied with Polish and Turkish affairs. The internal situation of the Kazakh Khanate was also not conducive to the quiet development of its foreign economic contacts with Russia.
Attempts by the Kazakh khans to create a large centralized state were ultimately unsuccessful. The lack of stable political and economic ties between zhuzes, the internecine struggle of the Kazakh feudal elite encouraged aggressive neighbors and doomed the Kazakh people to the greatest disasters and hardships. First decade of the 18th century. – wrote Ch. Valikhanov, “it was a terrible time in the life of the Kazakh people. Dzungars, Volga Kalmyks, Yaik Kazakhs and Bashkirs with different sides they destroyed their uluses, drove away their cattle and took entire families into captivity.”
If the Dzungar rulers took a wait-and-see attitude towards Russia, they did not hide their aggressive intentions regarding the Kazakh clans. The tense situation forced the Kazakh khans and sultans to enter into negotiations with the government of Peter 1 through the Siberian border authorities to declare their intentions to fight with Dzungaria in alliance with Russia.
In 1717, Sultans Kaip and Abulkhair, taking into account the complexity of the political situation of the Kazakh clans and the real threat from external opponents, turned to Peter 1 with a request for citizenship. Peter 1, busy with the war with Sweden and having information about internal troubles and internecine strife of the Kazakh clans, did not dare to intervene in “Kazakh affairs”, continuing to monitor events in Kazakhstan, Central Asia and Dzungari. The desire of Peter 1 to have the Kyrgyz-Kaisak horde within the Russian state was due to his intention not only to expand the borders of his state, but to secure the eastern borders of Russia. In one of the notes, senior translator in secret affairs and future diplomat A. Tevkelev writes “on his return from the Persian campaign, His Imperial Majesty Sovereign Peter the Great deigned to have a useful intention for his fatherland, the Russian Empire, in bringing the Kyrgyz people, who had been heard since ancient times, and at that time almost unknown - the Kaisak hordes into Russian citizenship, and I had the lowest intention to use this royal special one, so that if this horde did not want exact citizenship, I would try, despite the great costs, to keep at least up to a million (rubles); then they must commit to being one sheet under the protection of the Russian Empire.”
Military engineering structures created by personal order of Peter I - Yamyshevskaya (1716), Omskaya (1716), Zhelezinskaya (G7GL, Semipalatinskaya (1718), Ust-Kamenogorskaya, Koryakovskaya (1720) and other military defensive points that made up the Upper The Irtysh line played a certain role in protecting the Kazakhs from the devastating raids of the Dzungar troops.The presence of artillery and well-trained regular units forced the Dzungar feudal lords to refrain from direct military action.
The Dzungarian invasions (1681-1684, 1694, 1711-1712, 1714-1717) disrupted the traditional directions and routes of migration and the entire system of nomadism that had developed over centuries. This aggravated internal contradictions and strife, the struggle of feudal lords for pastures, inter-tribal conflicts, clashes, which could only be resolved through abundant water and herbs and relatively safe nomads near the borders of Russia.
However, the determining condition that accelerated the acceptance of Russian citizenship by part of the Junior Zhuz by the Kazakhs was the aggression of the Dzungar feudal lords. The years of the “Great Disaster” (1723-1727) brought hunger, suffering, destruction of material values, and irreparable damage to the development of productive forces. Kazakh clans, under the pressure of Dzungar troops, were forced to leave their homes for centuries, which entailed the migration of Kazakhs to neighboring areas. ". These transitions entailed inevitable ruin and death. poverty and suffering became universal, some died of hunger, others abandoned their wives and children,” wrote A. I. Levshin on this occasion.
In this difficult situation, the fight against the invaders was led by warrior-military leaders such as Bukenbay, Kabanbay, Malaysary. Zhanibsk and others, the unbending will of Abylay played an important role.
Militarily, the Dzungar Khanate was a serious force. In service with the huge Dzungar army at the end of the 17th century. there was a “fiery weapon with a wick.” The Kazakhs' weapons were significantly inferior to those of the Dzungarians.
Despite the unfavorable situation in Kazakhstan as a whole, the Kazakh people, who played a decisive role in repelling the onslaught of the Dzungar invaders, unprecedented since the Mongol invasion, sometimes won impressive victories. Detachments of Kazakh batyrs often, having driven out enemy forces, invaded the territory of nearby nomadic Dzungars. captured a large number of prisoners. One of the major battles took place in 1726. on the bank of the river Bulanti, in the Kara-Siyir area. Kazakh warriors inflicted a painful defeat on the Dzungar hordes here. The place of the battle was called “Kalmak-kyrylgan” (place of death of the Kalmaks).
In 1729, a bloody battle between the Kazakh sarbaz and the Dzungar conquerors took place in the southeast of Lake Balkhash, in the area of Ankarai7, where the combined forces of the three zhuzes won a brilliant victory. The conquering troops began to retreat along the river. Or to the east. But at this time, the leaders of the Kazakh militia, in connection with the death of Khan Bolat, quarreled over power, which facilitated the actions of the Oirats and negated the numerous sacrifices and efforts of the Kazakh people in the fight against the Dzungars.
The complexity of the foreign policy situation of the Kazakhs prompted them to look for ways out of this situation. Back in P26, Khan of the Younger Zhuz Abulkhair, elders Sugur, Edikbay, Khadzhibay, Kulymbay and others sent Ambassador Koibagar to Russia to “ask for protection” for the Kazakhs of the Younger Zhuz. This embassy remained unsuccessful, but Abulkhair did not abandon his intentions and in September 1730 again sent an embassy through Ufa to St. Petersburg with a letter to the Russian Empress Anna Ioannovna and an oral request for citizenship and patronage. On February 19, 1731, Empress Anna Ioannovna signed a letter of grant to Khan Abulkhair accepting the Junior Zhuz into Russian citizenship. To take the appropriate oath, ambassadors headed by the translator of the Foreign Affairs Commission A.I. Tevkelev were sent to Kazakhstan with a letter to Khan Abulkhair.
Based on Abulkhair’s assurances, it was decided in St. Petersburg that the desire to enter into Russian citizenship was shared by all the sultans and elders of the Junior Zhuz. However, when Tevkels arrived on October 5, 1731 at Abulkhair’s headquarters, located on the river. Irgiz, it turned out that there were significant disagreements among the feudal elite on the issue of accepting Russian citizenship. Attempts by the “opposing party” led by Sultan Barak to oppose the negotiations and exclude the execution of the act of annexation of the Junior Zhuz to Russia failed, and on October 10, 1731, a significant part of the meeting of Kazakh elders spoke in favor of its adoption.
Although the entry of the Middle and Senior Zhuzes took place later, Abulkhair Khan, when addressing the tsarist government, spoke on behalf of the entire Kazakh people, which undoubtedly alerted the Dzungars and made them look with alarm at the further development of Russian-Kazakh relations. The decree of the Russian Empress contained clauses that guaranteed the immunity of the Kazakhs, who were already officially subjects, from the hostile actions of their restless neighbors: “if you, the Kaisaks (Kazakhs), are attacked by enemies, so that you will be protected from that by our protection.”
Without denying the objective basis for the Junior Zhuz’s acceptance of Russian citizenship, one should not lose sight of the selfish interests of Abulkhair, who, relying on the Russian administration, hoped to weaken the position of his political opponents and rise above his potential rivals in the struggle for sole power. There was no consensus on this issue in Russian historiography. M. Maksheev, A. I. Dobrosmyslov, I. Zavalishin, V. N. Vitebsky, I. I. Kraft generally justified Abulkhair’s actions during the negotiations and signing of the document on citizenship. A.I. Levshin was inclined to consider citizenship as a manifestation of the personal will of Abulkhair and other “power-hungry leaders” of the people, who cherished the hope of “strengthening themselves with the patronage of a powerful power.”
However, even after the Junior Zhuz accepted Russian citizenship, the situation in Kazakhstan remained difficult. The threat of Dzungarian devastating invasions was not removed. In this difficult situation, the people themselves took upon themselves the task of saving the country. During the years of repelling the Dzungar aggression, the military leadership talent of Sultan Abylai emerged. But in this situation, different classes of Kazakh society set themselves different goals. If the working masses of nomadic herders dreamed of peace and pastures, trade with neighboring countries as conditions for the restoration and development of the undermined economy, the end of endless extortions and robberies, impoverishment, then some of the Kazakh feudal lords were looking for opportunities to strengthen their personal positions, while the famous Biy Kazybek, Tole, Aitek tirelessly called on the people for unity.
On November 24, 1732, Tevkelev, having completed his mission, set out on the return journey from the Naizakesken tract. On January 2, 1733, he arrived in Ufa along with Abulkhair’s embassy sent to St. Petersburg. It included Abulkhair's son Sultan Yeraly, cousin; Sultan Niyaz, elders Chadynbay, Murza Khudai-Nazar, batyr Murzageldy, Murza Tugelbay and others. As a result of negotiations in St. Petersburg, the entry of the Junior Zhuz into Russian citizenship was finalized.
At the same time, in 1733-1734. Some biys and influential sultans of Southern Kazakhstan expressed a desire to accept Russian citizenship. The decree of Empress Anna Ioannovna dated June 10, 1734 testified to the government’s agreement to accept the Senior Zhuz into Russia. However, its remoteness from Russia, as well as tense relations with Dzungaria, the murder of Khan Zholbarys in 1740, who was pro-Russian, delayed the implementation of this plan for a long time.
To consolidate positions in the newly annexed Kazakh lands, the Orenburg expedition was organized in May 1734, which was headed by the Chief Secretary of the Senate I.K. Kirillov, an associate of Peter I. A.I. Tevkelev was approved as his assistant. The first task of the commission included a comprehensive study of the lands that became part of Russia, exploration of natural resources, construction of the Orsk fortress, and establishment of a new border between Russian and Kazakh possessions. A number of reasons, and above all the Bashkir uprising of 1734-1738. , prevented the implementation of the extensive plan of the Orenburg expedition. In 1735, the city of Orenburg was founded, which was important in the development of Russian-Kazakh political and trade relations.
The Russian authorities took measures aimed at suppressing the aggression of the Dzungar Khanate. The Dzungarian huntaija Galdan Tseren was informed through the border authorities that some of the Kazakhs were Russian subjects and would be protected from attacks from outside. In 1738-1741 Galdan-Tseren's warriors made a new devastating campaign against the Kazakh lands. The commandants of the Yamyshsv, Ust-Kamenogorsk and Semipalatinsk fortresses demanded that the Dzungars leave the Kazakhs who had accepted Russian citizenship alone. The aggravation of the situation in the border zone and the threat to the Altai factories prompted the government Senate on May 20, 1742 to adopt a decree on measures to protect the Kazakh population and the defense of the Irtysh line.
At the end of 1731, Abulkhair and batyr Bukenbai sent their representatives to the Middle Zhuz, promising Semeka Khan, if he accepted Russian citizenship, to ensure the security of the region with the help of Russian troops. Semeke accepted the proposal of Abulkhair's ambassadors. In 1732, some part of the Middle Zhuz formally became part of Russia. As subsequent events showed, Semeke had no intention of honoring the agreement with the Russian Empire: he carried out raids on the Bashkir feudal lords of Russian subjects. The threat of Dzungaria prompted the influential feudal lords of the Middle Zhuz to again turn to Russia with a request to accept them into its composition. With a letter from Anna Ioannovna dated June 10, 1734, the request of Semeke and his supporters was granted. In connection with the death of I.K. Kirillov in April 1737, V.N. Tatishchev was appointed the new head of the Orenburg region, who sought to consolidate the dependence of the representatives of the sultans and elders of the Junior and Middle Zhuzes.
The congress of representatives of elders and sultans of the Younger and Middle Zhuzes, held in Orenburg in 1740, contributed to consolidating the first results of Russian citizenship. Khan Abulmamb and Sultan Abylay, who were present at it, taking into account the current situation, spoke out in favor of accepting Russian citizenship, trying to protect Kazakhstan from possible invasions of the Dzungars. The oath of a group of sultans and elders of the Younger and Middle Zhuz in 1740 led to the annexation of only part of the Middle Zhuz to Russia; the main regions of northeastern and Central Kazakhstan became part of the empire only in the 20-40s. XIX century due to the military-political actions of tsarism.
In the middle of the 18th century. Serious changes have taken place in Central Asia. The hostile actions of the Dzungars against the Kazakhs were weakened in connection with the events in the Dzungar Khanate itself, which occurred after the death of Galdan-Tseren. With the weakening of Dzungaria, the threat of its conquest of Kazakh lands disappeared. The murder of Khan Abulkhair by Sultan Barak in 1748 alarmed the Russian government. The St. Petersburg court, interested in continuing the policies established under Abulkhair, pinned its hopes on feudal groups that adhered to a pro-Russian orientation. In 1749, Nuraly, the son of the deceased khan, was confirmed as khan of the Younger Zhuz. However, the strengthening of the colonial orientation of tsarism’s policy complicated the internal political situation in the zhuz, which manifested itself in various forms of disobedience of the elders to the khan. It was a struggle against the Orenburg administration, which took the path of open colonization of the Urals, and Nuraly Khan, who supported Russian policies.
In 1756, a royal decree was issued prohibiting the Kazakhs from driving cattle to the right bank of the Urals in winter. The government's decision, taken in the interests of the Yaitsky Cossacks, strengthened anti-government sentiments. Fortresses and other military structures that tsarism intensively erected especially along the river. Ural, called upon to defend Russian villages from raids by nomads, turned into centers of colonization of Kazakh lands. Depending on the specific conditions and goals, the tsarist authorities did not take into account the position of Khan Nuraly, who, under pressure from his fellow tribesmen, timidly expressed dissatisfaction with military measures to oust the Kazakhs from their ancestral nomads.
The next stage in the fight against the remnants of Kazakh statehood was an attempt to introduce a new system of Russian governance in the Junior Zhuz, which was supposed to lead to the abolition of the khan’s power. However, the reform project of the Orenburg governor Baron Igelstrom, initially approved by Catherine II, was doomed to failure and cancelled. Soon Nuraly Khan, who did not ensure the implementation of Russian policy and under the pressure of the uprising of the hero Syrym Datov, was removed from the khan's power.
By appointing the elderly Sultan Aychuak as khan in 1797, the government stopped all attempts by more influential sultans to seek khan's power. The Orenburg administration did not support the claims of one of Nuraly’s sons, Sultan Karatay. After the death of Aychuak, his son, the obedient, uninfluential Sultan Zhantore, was confirmed as Khan of the Junior Zhuz.
The removal of Aryngazy from the khan's throne in 1821, and Shergazy Aichuakov in 1824, ended traditional statehood in the Junior Zhuz. The adoption of the Charter on the “Orenburg Kirghiz” in 1824 led to the abolition of the khan’s power in the Junior Zhuz and its replacement by a system of administrative and political management similar to the Russian one.
The situation in the Middle Zhuz, which was directly adjacent to the Qing Empire in the east, was somewhat different, which caused special concern among the ruling circles of the Russian Empire. The creation of the imperial viceroyalty of Xinjiang from lands that primarily constituted the possessions of Dzungaria, destroyed by the Qing, made many changes in Kazakh-Russian and Kazakh-Chinese relations and significantly accelerated the military-administrative actions of tsarism in the region.
The construction of military lines in the Middle Zhuz became the support base for the colonization of Kazakh lands in difficult political conditions. The border line consisted of three parts: on the southwestern side - from the Siberian redoubt to the Omsk fortress, with a length of 553 versts (Gorkaya line), from the Omsk fortress along the right bank of the Irtysh to the Malonarymsk redoubt, with a total length of 1684 versts (Irtysh line); - from the Ust-Kamenogorsk fortress along the western slope of the Altai Mountains between the Kolyvan mining plants towards the Kuznetsk fortress (Kolyvan line) with a length of 723 versts.
On June 22, 1752, by decision of the government, construction of a series of fortifications began from the Zverinoy tract on Tobol to the Omsk fortress. The Novo-Ishim line consisted of 9 fortresses and 53 redoubts and connected the Chui line with the Irtysh line over a distance of 540 versts. At the same time, the Krasnogorsk distance and the Orsk line were created (fortresses Orskaya, Tanalytskaya, Urtamyshskaya).
The creation of fortifications limited the traditional nomadic ranges of the Kazakhs and created tension between the Siberian administration and the Kazakh sultans. The strengthening of military actions of tsarism in the region and the threat of invasion of Qing troops into Kazakhstan prompted influential sultans led by Abylai to accept the suzerainty of the Qing Bogdykhan while maintaining Russian citizenship.
The policy of dual citizenship that Abylai adhered to was determined by the vital interests of Kazakhstan. The profound transformations he carried out primarily in the Middle Zhuz strengthened the Kazakh feudal statehood in many areas, ensuring the implementation of an independent policy. His recognition as the khan of the Middle Zhuz by Catherine II and the Qing court, i.e., two large states, significantly strengthened Abylai’s position.
The policy of maneuvering between Russia and the Qing Empire, which was carried out by Abylai’s successor Ualikhan, confirmed the ruling circles of Russia in the opinion of the abolition of the khan’s power in the Middle Zhuz.
In 1815, trying to weaken Uali's position in the Middle Zhuz, the government appointed a second khan - Bukey, after whose death in 1817 and Ualihan in 1819, new khans were no longer appointed in the Middle Zhuz.
After the elimination of the khan's power in the Middle Zhuz, the tsarist government, relying on the “Charter on the Siberian Kirghiz,” introduced a new management system developed by M. M. Speransky. According to the “Charter”, the territory of the Kazakh steppe, occupied by the nomads of the Middle and part of the Senior Zhuz, was named the Region of the Siberian Kirghiz and became part of the newly created West Siberian Governor-General with the center of administration until 1839 in Tobolsk, and from 1839. -in Omsk.
In order to accelerate the colonization of the region, the Russian system of governance was gradually introduced, which caused protest from the majority of the Kazakh population, which resulted in a series of uprisings. The largest of them was the movement led by Khan Kenesary Kasymov, whose goal was to restore the Kazakh statehood of the times of Abylai. The uprising delayed the military conquest of the southeastern part of the Middle Zhuz by tsarism by at least 10-15 years.
The subordination of the main part of the Senior Zhuz took place under different conditions. Some of the Kazakh clans of Southern Kazakhstan accepted Russian citizenship voluntarily. On January 18, 1819, 55,462 souls and both sexes, led by Sultan Syuk Abylaykhanov, voluntarily swore allegiance to the Russian crown. In May 1824, Emperor Alexander! signed a letter of acceptance into citizenship of 14 more sultans of the Senior Zhuz, who roamed Semirechye. However, the main regions of Semirechye and Southern Kazakhstan remained outside the influence of the Russian Empire. In order to oust the Kokand beks from the region, the government began organizing military reconnaissance expeditions to the Trans-Ili region. Soon the Kopal fortresses were founded. Lepsinsk, Urdzhar. The main stronghold of the colonization of the region and the spread of Russian influence on the Kazakhs of the Chui and Talas valleys was the fortification of Vernoye (1854).
The capture of Turkestan, Shymkent, Alma-Ata and other cities and settlements by the tsarist troops, accompanied by the use of large military forces, completed the conquest of Southern Kazakhstan by Russia.
The annexation of Kazakhstan, which began in the 30s. XVIII century , ended only at the end of the mid-19th century. and was a complex, contradictory process. The annexation of the Kazakh zhuzes took place in various foreign policy and internal conditions. A significant part of the Younger Zhuz and some areas of the Middle Zhuz accepted Russian citizenship voluntarily. Most of Central and part of the regions of Southern Kazakhstan were annexed with the help of the military force of tsarism, which sought to accelerate the annexation of the region, regardless of the interests of the overwhelming majority of the population of Kazakhstan, putting at the head the strategic, far-reaching goals of the empire in Central Asia. The annexation of Southern Kazakhstan and then Central Asia to Russia allowed tsarism to gain the upper hand in its rivalry with the British Empire.
Through administrative and political reforms, tsarism eliminated the traditional management system and opened up wide opportunities for the settlement of the Kazakh region by Russian settlers, displacing nomads to unsuitable lands. Having gained uncontrolled power over most of the population, Russia expanded its colonialist policy in almost all areas.
At the same time, the annexation of Kazakhstan to Russia created conditions for economic exchange and interaction between nomads and the newcomer population, laid the ground for the spread of literacy, the revival of trade, and the inclusion of the Kazakh village in the orbit of capitalist production relations with all the ensuing consequences. »
In the literature under review, for the first time we encounter information about mass liberation movements against the colonialists, that is, against Russia. But the author emphasizes that these movements were not directed against the Russian people, but against the colonial conquests of Russia and against the eviction of the indigenous population from their territories.
“The completion of the annexation of Kazakhstan to Russia made significant changes in the empire’s policy towards the Kazakh region. Having annexed Semirechye and Southern Kazakhstan through military colonial actions, tsarism entered the Central Asian bridgehead, displacing English influence in the region. Taking advantage of the favorable international situation, the Russian Empire, guided by its far-reaching political interests, established a colonial regime in Kazakhstan.
The rapidly developing industry of the metropolis increasingly needed sources of raw materials and labor. Rich in natural resources and livestock raw materials, the Kazakh region has long attracted the attention of Russian entrepreneurs. However, the development of a huge region with different natural and geographical conditions required the ruling circles to carry out administrative-territorial, judicial and other innovations. Charters on Siberian, Orenburg Kazakhs 1822-1824. , which essentially eliminated the Khanate in Kazakhstan (with the exception of the Bukeevsky, or Internal Horde), opened up space for government and private Cossack colonization, but were unable to destroy the forms of government that had survived for centuries. The tribal structure of Kazakh society (the court of biys, the power of sultans) basically continued to retain its former significance, although the creation of a district system and the displacement of nomads with centuries-old homes began to undermine the basis political system and the economic structure of the autonomous population.
The position of the empire, which had grown within its borders, also favored the implementation of an administrative system of control. Following the abolition of serfdom, the Russian government carried out a number of reforms that radically changed the course of socio-political life: zemstvo, judicial, city, etc. The development of capitalism went “in depth” and in breadth.
In these conditions, Russia put forward the task of radically breaking the previous system of governance in Kazakhstan.
To prepare the draft Regulations on the management of the Kazakh steppe, the government in 1865 formed the so-called Steppe Commission. When preparing the reform, the mood of the broad masses was not taken into account. Ch. Valikhanov advocated carrying out radical reforms that would help improve the material well-being and well-being of the Kazakhs. He proposed introducing a system of administrative government in Kazakhstan on the basis of popular self-government. In his “Note on Judicial Reform,” he considered socio-economic innovations to be the most important for the Kazakh people. On July 11, 1867, Tsar Alexander II signed the draft Regulations on the management of the Semirechensk and Syrdarya regions; October 21, 1868 - draft Regulations on the management of Turgai, Ural, Akmola and Semipalatinsk regions. Thus, the “Temporary Regulations” on the management of Kazakhstan were prepared by tsarism based on the considerations of government officials with the active participation of the Sultans of Seydalin, Chingiz Valikhanov, Musa Chormanov and others. The administration of the Semipalatinsk, Akmola regions, opened in 1854, and Semirechensk - in 1866, were subject to changes. The reform for the first time covered the entire Kazakh region, although the Bukeyevskaya (Internal) Horde, where the khan’s power ceased to exist back in 1845, according to the draft Temporary Regulations, became part of the Astrakhan province.
In turn, the regions were divided into counties, and the counties into volosts. In addition to military and civil power, the Turkestan Governor-General was responsible for maintaining diplomatic relations with neighboring states - China, Iran, etc.
The new management system undermined the patriarchal-feudal way of life of the nomads and limited the power of the sultans, biys and elders. Implementation of reforms 1867-1868. led to a weakening of the influence of the tribal aristocracy, which affected their legal, economic and political position.
Administrative management was of a distinctly military nature. At the head of the regions were military governors-general (also commanders of military districts), who concentrated in their hands the fullness of military and civil power. The non-separation of military and civil authorities was the principle of the administrative structure of the Kazakh steppe under the new reform.
According to the Temporary Regulations on Management in the Steppe Regions of 1868 and the Regulations on Management in the Turkestan Territory of 1867, the volost manager concentrated police and administrative power in his hands. He oversaw the preservation of “calm and order”, the payment of taxes and all other duties from the population. His duties included enforcing the decisions of the biys' court. Aul elders, within the limits of their competence, performed the same duties as volost managers. The Kazakh sharua carried on his shoulders the exorbitantly heavy zemstvo duty: he maintained the aul-volost administration, contributed funds for the repair of bridges and postal routes, and provided military units with carts.
Reform of 1867-1868 military judicial commissions and district courts were established, acting on the basis of general imperial laws. At the same time, feudal courts of biys in villages and courts of kazis in villages of the Syrdarya region were preserved. Crimes committed outside the steppe regions, criminal and civil cases of Kazakh herders were dealt with by district judges on the basis of Russian laws.
Regulations 1867-1868 introduced temporarily in the form of experience for two years. However, this “experience” dragged on for more than twenty years due to a possible negative reaction from the local population. Only in the late 80s - early 90s. XIX century The tsarist authorities began to complete the implementation of administrative and judicial reform. On June 2, 1886, the Regulations on the Administration of the Turkestan Territory were adopted4. March 21, 1891 - Regulations on the management of Akmola, Semipalatinsk, Semirechensk, Ural, and Turgai regions.
The power of the governor-general gained even greater strength. Regional government was equated to provincial government in the central regions of Russia. Police departments were created in large cities, and police officers were created in others. According to the Regulations of 1891, disputes on land issues between aul elders within the volost were resolved by volost congresses, and between owners of tents - by aul ones. The decisive role belonged to volost managers and aul elders. In this regard, there was a fierce struggle between the communities to appoint their own candidate to the volost administrations and aul elders, who was elected for three years.
Significant changes have also occurred in the field of judicial structure. The system of Russian courts was formed, according to the Regulations on the Administration of the Turkestan and Steppe Territories, from such links as justices of the peace, regional courts and the Governing Senate as the highest judicial authority. The court of biys was also modified. In form, the biy turned out to be an elected people's judge. This innovation also dealt a blow to the traditional Sharia court.
Reforms 1867-1868 and subsequent innovations caused protest from the Kazakhs. Already in the first half of the 60s. XIX century in Kazakhstan, especially in the Junior Zhuz, colonial oppression began to intensify. This created the preconditions for the growth of discontent among the working masses, which could result in an open protest against tsarism.
Changes in the territorial-administrative structure and socio-economic development of Kazakhstan led to the adoption of a new tax system that met the interests of the colonial empire. Despite the trend of growth in the sedentary and agricultural population, nomads were the bulk of taxpayers: in 1880 they amounted to 90.5, in 1897 - 82.0%.
The Kibitochnaya tax was a form of state tax on the Kazakh population in the amount of 2 rubles. 75 kop. per wagon per year in Semirechensk and Syrdarya regions, 3 rubles. per kibitka per year in four steppe regions. The Inner Horde had a special taxation system. The previously collected fees zyaket and sogum were merged into a single monetary tax, tax from livestock.
The tsarist government developed and approved on July 13, 1889 a special Regulation on the voluntary resettlement of rural inhabitants and burghers to state-owned lands and on the procedure for assigning persons of the designated classes “who resettled in former times.” The Regulations specifically defined resettlement areas in the Tomsk and Tobolsk provinces, as well as Semirechensk, Akmola and Semipalatinsk regions
In 1889, the Law “On the resettlement of rural inhabitants and townspeople to state-owned land” was adopted. In 1891 and 1892 the law applied to the Turgai and Ural regions. According to it, the resettlement movement was concentrated in the hands of the government, and special permission was required for resettlement to the eastern regions; unauthorized resettlement was limited. But the desire of the tsarist authorities to somehow regulate the process of resettlement, which had become spontaneous, failed. Independent occupation of Kazakh lands by peasants continued. Crop failure 1891-1892 prompted a mass of peasants from European Russia to move to the East in search of free land. During this period, about 30 thousand peasants crossed the Urals, and 12 thousand peasants moved to the Semirechensk and Syrdarya regions.
The possibility of connecting Kazakhstan through railways with Siberia and the Volga region pushed the government to accelerate the settlement of settlers in Kazakhstan. For this purpose, the expedition led by F.A. Shcherbina carefully examined 12 districts of Akmola, Turgai and Semipalatinsk regions. Officially main goal F.A. Shcherbina's expedition was to study the state of economic development of the local nomadic population. Naturally, the expedition also paid attention to the resettlement settlements. The materials of the expedition were used by tsarism to further expropriate the “surplus” of Kazakh land, although the work of the expedition as a whole was perceived unsatisfactorily.
However, the tsar’s unauthorized appropriation of Kazakh lands, the displacement of the local population into deserted, unsuitable lands, and the arbitrariness of tsarist officials provoked resistance from the Kazakh population, which repeatedly resulted in armed clashes with the tsar’s punitive detachments.
In the last quarter of the 19th century. originated in Kazakhstan industrial production. Back in the middle of the 19th century. the presence of many types of minerals in Kazakhstan was known. Since the 60s of the XIX century. Russian entrepreneurs began to export capital to the Kazakh region and create industrial enterprises based on a number of mineral deposits. In the 70-80s, the industry for processing agricultural raw materials developed quite intensively - butter, tanning, flour milling, etc. The main centers of processing enterprises were North-West and East Kazakhstan. The leather industry has reached a significant level of development.
The development of industry and domestic trade was greatly facilitated by the construction of railway lines connecting Kazakhstan with Siberia and other regions of the Russian Empire. Over the last decade of the 19th century. 482 miles of rail lines were built in Kazakhstan. »
Russian-Kazakh relations in textbooks of the Russian Federation
The first mention of the peoples of Central Asia, by which Kazakhstan obviously is meant, we find in a textbook for the 6th grade on the history of Russia in the topic “Invasion from the East.” On the map “Russia in the second half of the 16th century” the territory in which the Kazakhs lived was marked for the first time.
The textbook for grade 7 speaks directly about Russian-Kazakh relations in the topic “Domestic and foreign policy in 1725-1762”: “The second quarter of the 18th century was the time of the annexation of Kazakh lands to Russia. In the internecine struggle, various Kazakh nobles often turned for help to the governors and central authorities of Russia, who were interested in the peace of their eastern borders. In 1731, the lands of the Kazakh state formation - the Junior Zhuz - voluntarily became part of Russia, and in 1740-1743 - the Middle Zhuz. To ensure security from attacks by neighbors, Orenburg and a number of other fortresses were built in the southeast of Russia.”
In the same textbook, in the topic “Peoples of Russia in the 18th century,” there is an entire section devoted to the life and way of life of the Kazakh people. The progressive significance of the annexation of Kazakh lands to To the Russian state. “the annexation contributed to the beginning of the development of agriculture; millet and wheat began to be sown in the Kazakh steppes. »
And on the map “Russian Empire by the end of the 18th century” the territory where the Kazakhs lived received delineated borders.
In a history textbook of the 19th century, the word Kazakhs appears on the map “Russian Empire by the end of the 19th century” and there is a separate map “Kazakhstan and Central Asia in the 19th century”, where some cities of Kazakhstan and the line of the railway under construction are indicated. The text also mentions Central Asia in connection with geographical expeditions exploring these territories.
In the textbook on the history of Russia for the 20th century, we find only occasional mentions of Kazakhstan. “The peoples of Central Asia were Muslims,” “11 union republics were established within the USSR: Kazakh,” “in 1954, the development of virgin lands began. By the decision of the Central Committee, over 30 thousand party workers were sent to Kazakhstan and Western Siberia.” In the textbook published by the Prosveshcheniye publishing house there is not even a map indicating Kazakhstan, but it appears in the textbook published by the Bustard publishing house.
Thus, realizing the above goal, I came to the following conclusions:
Firstly, all textbooks of the Soviet and post-Soviet period examine Russian-Kazakh relations;
Secondly, it is understandable that these relations are more fully discussed in textbooks on the history of the Kazakh people, especially the post-Soviet period, since this is already the history of a sovereign state, but a state whose history is closely connected with the history of Russia;
Thirdly, textbooks of the Soviet period, of Kazakh origin, glorify the role of Russia, emphasizing its dominance in Russian-Kazakh relations, while textbooks on the history of the USSR follow the same line, strengthening the role of the party, especially textbooks written during the period of the personality cult of Stalin;
Fourthly, a significant drawback of textbooks of the Soviet period on the history of the USSR is that very little attention is paid to the culture of this people;
Fifthly, textbooks of the post-Soviet period of Kazakh origin more often mention the role of Russia as a colonial power exploiting Kazakhstan as a raw material appendage of the empire;
Sixthly, the uniqueness of textbooks on the history of Russia, which generally reduced Russian-Kazakh relations to a minimum, limiting themselves to phrases and cartographic information.
In my opinion, all textbooks retained historical objectivity within the framework within which the existing political system allowed this to be done. The positive thing is that the modern textbook on the history of Kazakhstan does not remain silent and does not turn upside down the importance of Russia in the history of Kazakhstan, which is very important in the context of relations with Georgia, Ukraine, and the Baltic countries.
But it seems to me unfair to minimize relations with our southern partner in modern Russian textbooks, especially from the Prosveshcheniya publishing house. And for the Omsk region, these relations are generally relevant, given our good neighborliness. Of course, there are certain problems in the situation of Russians in Kazakhstan, but this is not the subject of study in this work.
I would like to see a regional textbook developed that would show the objective relationship between the Omsk region and Kazakhstan, which once formed a single whole.
LETTER from Tsar Fyodor Ioannovich to Khan Tevkel on the acceptance of the Kazakhs into the citizenship of the Moscow state. 1595
By the grace of God from the Great Sovereign Tsar and Grand Duke Fyodor Ioannovich, the Cossack hordes to Tevkel the Tsar are our royal command.
That you sent your man Kurmagmetya to our royal majesty with a letter, and in your letter to our royal majesty you wrote, and your ambassadors beat our royal majesty with his forehead. You were granted acceptance under your royal hand with both of your hordes with Kazatzka and Kolmatskaya. And we want to keep you, Tevkel the Tsar, and your brothers Shakhmagmetya Tsarevich and Kuchyuk Tsarevich in your royal salary and in defense from all our enemies, you will fight the Bukhara Tsar and our traitor Kuchum the Tsar of Siberia
With this, we sent you our boyar son Velyamin Stepanovich with a royal letter
From the statements of Peter 1 about attracting Kazakhs to Russian citizenship. 1722
Upon returning from the Persian campaign, Peter the Great deigned to have a useful intention for the entire fatherland of the Russian Empire in bringing the vast Kyrgyz-Kaisak hordes that had been heard since ancient times to Russian citizenship. For as Peter the Great in 1722, while on the Persian campaign and in Astrakhan, through many he deigned to be notified of one the horde, although it is the Kyrgyz-Kaisak steppe people, is only the key and the gate to all Asian countries and lands; and for that reason, this horde needs to be under Russian protection, so that only through them in all Asian countries can we have useful and capable measures to take on the Russian side.
Letter from Khan Kaip to Emperor Peter 1 with a request for a joint action against the Dzungars. 1718
Yes, I ask Your Royal Majesty, I wish to go against your enemy to the contaisha and, besides him, I have no war now. And if you order, Your Highness welcome us, and you would indicate on your own behalf to send military people to him, contaishu, and to us at that opportunity, and at what time these military people will be sent, send us a notice about that quickly, for that period We do the same with everyone, and with the grace of God we hope to defeat such enemies.
Letter from Khan of the Younger Zhuz Abulkhair to Anna Ioannovna with a request to accept him and the people under his control into Russian citizenship. September 8, 1730
We, Abulkhair Khan, with the numerous Kazakh people of the Middle and Small Zhuzes, who are subject to me, all bow before you, we are your servants, and together with the common people we wish for your patronage and expect your help, so that with the Bashkir people, who are your subjects, located beyond the Urals, live in harmony.
We wish you every prosperity and will be your subjects.
Letter from the sultans and biys of the Great Zhuz addressed to Empress Anna Ioannovna with a request to accept them into Russian citizenship. 1733
From the far side of the near heart of the Kirgis-Kaisak large horde, the princes, beks, came into citizenship to you, the great Empress Empress and the White Queen, namely: Koadarbi, Tyulyabi, Satai-batyr, Kingildi-batyr and Bulyak-batyr, as well as all the hordes of beks came into citizenship.
Bulyak-batyr was sent as an envoy to the Kalmyk owner Galdan-Cheren, and to yours and. V. They sent Aralbai and Arasgeldi-batyr as envoys, and besides this sheet, order them to ask them verbally.
We only ask that by your decree... V. Our merchants were ordered to travel to Tashkent, Samarkant, Bukhara, Khiva, Turkestan and other places.
From the text of the oath of the Sultan of the Middle Zhuz Ablai. 1740
I am the undersigned saltan of the Kyrgyz-Kaisak people, I promise and swear to the almighty God that I want and must, with all my family and with all my horde, of the most illustrious, autocratic empress and empress and autocrat of the All-Russian, etc., and be a faithful, kind and obedient subject.
Prospects for economic and political cooperation
Conclusion
Literature
Economic and political cooperation
History and geography objectively predetermined the special nature of Russian-Kazakh relations. Both states are among the ten largest countries on the planet by area. The border between the two countries is over 6,000 km and is one of the longest in the world. Both Russia and Kazakhstan are storehouses of natural resources (oil, gas, metals). Finally, in Kazakhstan, even despite the significant outflow of the Russian-speaking population in the 90s of the last century, one of the largest Russian diasporas lives (up to a third of the republic’s population).
It is no coincidence that in 1992, when starting to develop a foreign policy strategy for the newly independent Kazakh state, President N. Nazarbayev noted the fact that “due to geographical, political, ethnic and other historical factors, relations with Russia are the most important issue for us.” Throughout the 1990s, it was Russian-Kazakh relations that were most intense and, in general, developed without any major upheavals. True, in the 90s, the situation of the Russian-speaking population remained a pressing issue in Russian-Kazakh relations. However, both countries are included in all integration entities created on the ruins of the USSR, and, for example, the Eurasian Economic Community (EurAsEC) was generally created on the initiative of N. Nazarbayev.
The desire to integrate with Russia meets the urgent needs of the young Kazakhstani republic. After all, Kazakhstan is landlocked and located away from world transport corridors. Possessing large oil and gas reserves, the country does not have a developed pipeline system. In this regard, Russia, due to its favorable geographical location, is of interest to its southern neighbor, since it can transport Kazakhstani energy resources at relatively low prices, which it does (about a third of the oil produced in Kazakhstan is exported through Russian territory).
The removal of all customs barriers and obstacles to trade (one of the main conditions of the agreement on the Common Economic Space (CES)) meets the economic interests of the two countries. Russia traditionally buys Kazakh grain. There are about 300 large joint Russian-Kazakh enterprises operating on the territory of Kazakhstan. The number of small joint ventures exceeds 1 thousand. Bilateral trade last year amounted to approximately $5.5 billion. And this is not the limit. At the opening of the Year of Russia in Kazakhstan in January this year. the presidents of both countries promised to double it.
The economic systems of Russia and Kazakhstan are similar in many ways. The difference in GDP per capita is insignificant. The degree of wear and tear of fixed industrial assets is almost the same. The raw materials sector plays a leading role in exports, which causes a high dependence on the global price situation for oil and metals, as well as on the exchange rate of the national currency against the US dollar. So, it is Russian-Kazakh economic integration that is now the most real and relevant.
Without Russian assistance, it is difficult for Kazakhstan to count on successfully solving problems in the field of security and strengthening its defense capability. In turn, Russia is interested in a reliable ally to ensure a stable situation in its “underbelly.” These issues were the focus of attention during the recent visit to Astana of the Secretary of the Russian Security Council V. Rushailo. After making a number of amendments, a plan for cooperation between law enforcement agencies of Russia and Kazakhstan for 2004 in the field of combating organized crime, illegal migration and drug trafficking was approved. Earlier, the Minister of Defense of Kazakhstan M. Altynbaev agreed in Moscow that the republic would buy weapons at domestic Russian prices. At the beginning of February this year. The parliament of Kazakhstan ratified an agreement on the procedure for the mutual provision of military training grounds for live firing by formations and military units of the air defense forces of the two countries. In addition, Russia trains Kazakh military personnel free of charge. Currently, 786 cadets from Kazakhstan are studying at Russian military universities.
Those. Russia is also strengthening the intellectual potential of Kazakhstan. The level of Russian education, despite everything, has been and remains high. Thousands of Kazakhstani undergraduate and graduate students study at Russian universities. According to bilateral agreements, some of them are trained free of charge, which is not the case even in Kazakhstan. Diplomas from Moscow and St. Petersburg universities are valued in the republic no lower than diplomas from Western educational institutions, where only a few can afford education.
Despite the reduction in the flow of Russian printed publications into the republic during the years of independence, the reading tastes of its residents have remained virtually unchanged. As the Kazinform agency reports, more than four thousand Russian newspapers and magazines are read in Kazakhstan today. The top five most popular Russian print media include “Healthy Lifestyle”, “Arguments and Facts”, “Behind the Wheel”, “Izvestia” and “Komsomolskaya Pravda”. Russian television programs, series and talk shows, as well as Russian music radio stations, are very popular in Kazakhstan.
At the same time, there are very significant obstacles to integration, created mainly from outside. The rapprochement between Russia and Kazakhstan that has emerged over the past two years has caused displeasure in some political circles in the West, who are not interested in unification processes in the post-Soviet space. Political pressure on the Kazakh leadership has noticeably increased.
Back at the end of 2001, during a meeting with N. Nazarbayev, US President George W. Bush harshly expressed impartial criticism of the situation in the republic. A year later, the official representative of the US State Department, Phil Reeker, and a group of American congressmen accused the President of Kazakhstan of holding all the leading positions in the country with his relatives, and the money coming from the sale of oil and gas allegedly ends up in the accounts of the Future Generations Fund controlled by him. At sessions of the European Parliament, the issue of human rights violations and persecution of dissidents in the republic is periodically raised.
The opposition Kazakh electronic media, which exist with money from overseas sponsors, are actively engaged in exposing the “criminal regime” and advocate intensive rapprochement with the United States as opposed to Russia.
However, such “attacks” are virtual and do not pose a great danger to the ruling elite. The key to a stable situation in Kazakhstan is an alliance with Russia. Moreover, the population also supports the policy of integration with its northern neighbor. According to the results of a survey among residents of Kazakhstan conducted by the Comcon-2 Eurasia agency in April last year, 84% of respondents believe that the republic should unite with Russia. Only 3.6% of respondents were in favor of unification with the United States, 2% were in favor of an alliance with China, and 0.4% were in favor of an alliance with Ukraine. 0.4% of respondents do not support the idea of a union with any country at all. For the most part, Kazakhstanis do not want to unite with their neighbors - the states of Central Asia.
Thus, Kazakhstan’s choice of Russia as its main strategic partner is predetermined by historical, geographical, political and economic prerequisites. The union of Russia and Kazakhstan - the two largest states in the post-Soviet space - meets the vital interests of both countries and their peoples. The success of further integration depends on the actions of the leadership of Russia and Kazakhstan.
Russian-Kazakh relations and internal politics of Kazakhstan
The guarantee of stable development of Kazakhstan, including in the political aspect, lies only in the sphere of continuing the Eurasian policy of President Nazarbayev on rapprochement with Russia, in the sphere of efforts that Nursultan Abishevich is making to re-integrate the Eurasian space and to give the CIS a completely new meaning. It is the rapprochement of Kazakhstan with Russia that guarantees that the not so complicated, but gradually becoming somewhat tense political situation in Kazakhstan will be resolved harmoniously and positively.
What is very important here is that Putin’s personal relations with Nazarbayev are developing, perhaps, in an optimal way compared to other heads of the CIS countries. The problems that our countries face today belong to a common “family of challenges.” Both Russia and Kazakhstan are building democracy, but this process is embedded in a specific geographical, historical and cultural context. Democracy in both Russia and Kazakhstan is in the process of formation, so from time to time there is a danger of distortion of this process both towards a relapse of authoritarian tendencies, and, conversely, towards falling into chaos and uncontrollability. Both Putin and Nazarbayev, in a sense, have a similar situation: both Putin and Nazarbayev are popular democratic rulers in their homeland, who are primarily concerned with long-term stability in their countries, as well as rapprochement between all the states of the post-Soviet space.
In other words, it is becoming more and more obvious that both Putin and Nazarbayev take Eurasian positions and follow a Eurasian course. This course cannot be followed alone, since we are talking about bringing different countries, peoples, cultures, economies, and social systems closer together. These processes are proceeding differently in Kazakhstan and us, at different speeds, but their general rhythm and general character are very similar.